Region situated between the great sedentary populations of Eurasia and East Asia. The kernel of Inner Asia is historically the home of nomadic pastoralists. Crossing the borders of three contemporary states, it comprises Mongolia, the southern Siberian Russian Republics of Tuva (Tyva) and Buryatia, and the Chinese autonomous regions of Inner Mongolia and Xinjiang (fig.1). Contemporary geopolitical borders are comparatively recent and do not coincide with musical landscapes created in performance. Moreover, as with other cultural areas, the borders of Inner Asia are diffuse, and musical interactions with neighbouring areas common. Traditional musical genres and forms share some characteristics with Tibetan music, with those of southern Siberian peoples such as the Yakuts, Khakassy and Gorny Altais, as well as with Central Asian nomads such as the Kazakhs and Kyrgyz, who also spill over into contemporary Inner Asia (see Kazakhstan, §1–5, Kyrgyzstan, §1–4, Uzbekistan, §1, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Central Asia, China, §IV, 5(ii), Mongol music).
The musical practices of Inner Asian peoples are inextricably bound up with their ethnicities, histories, environments and religions. As a region it presents a complex ethnic and linguistic picture, but its indigenous population is basically Mongol, with languages that belong to the Altaic family. There are two main divisions of Mongols; since the 13th century the Western Mongols and Eastern Mongols have periodically been at war. It was the Eastern Mongols who first succumbed to the Chinese Qing dynasty during the 17th century, and this remains a contentious issue.
For most of their histories, Mongols have hunted and lived off the products of their domesticated animals (horses, cattle, sheep, goats, camels). The majority still live in easily transportable round felt tents in environments that are inhospitable and often dangerous. It is perhaps not surprising that their folk-religious, shamanic and Buddhist beliefs include spirits that both comprise and inhabit nature. They communicate with and seek to influence these spirits through a range of musical practices. Each region has had to endure the cultural onslaught of communism and has coped with it in different ways.
CAROLE PEGG
In contemporary performances of song, music and dance, the peoples of Inner Asia create connections across contemporary geopolitical borders with peoples who once belonged to the same historical states and confederations. Khalkha Mongols and several other groups in Mongolia (e.g. Mongol Urianghais), as well as some groups in Inner Mongolia (e.g. Ordos Mongols), are connecting to the period of Chinggis Khan and the Mongolian Empire (1206–1368); others are creating associations with the Jungar State (Züün Gar Uls) (1630 to late 1750s), which encompassed most of west Mongolia, part of Tuva, Jungaria (south-west of the Altai mountains), eastern Turkestan (present-day Xinjiang) and Buryat territories around Lake Baikal (present-day Buryatia). Such affiliations broadly relate to the division between Western and Eastern Mongols. Vocal and instrumental genres of Western Mongol or Oirat groups share characteristics with groups north, south and west of current Mongolian borders, looking westwards to Central Asia rather than eastwards to the Eastern Mongols, who include the Khalkhas of central Mongolia. Overtone-singing (höömii), the extraordinary vocal technique in which a single performer simultaneously produces two or three separate vocal lines, is traditionally performed only by Western Mongol groups (but including those Khalkhas who live in west Mongolia and are referred to by Mongols as ‘Western Khalkhas’) and in Tuva, as well as among neighbouring peoples such as the Khakassians and Gorny or Mountain Altais. Similarly, use of the deep gutteral voice (häälah) in Western Mongol epic performance connects with singers in Tuva and looks westwards to the Central Asian areas of southern Uzbekistan and southern Turkmenistan; in the latter the process is called hümlemek (cf Mongol höömilöh). The three-holed end-blown pipe, on which a performer plays a melody from harmonics while producing a vocal drone, is played by Altai Urianghais (see Tsuur), Tuvans (shöör) and Kazakhs of west Mongolia (sybyzgy); in the Altai mountain region of Xinjiang province, China; and among Kazakhs and Kyrgyz (chöör) in Russia. It is similar to the pipes, such as the Turkish kaval, of other pastoral peoples in Central Asia. The two-string fiddle, called Ikil by Western Mongols, igil by Tuva Urianghais and ikili by people of the Gorny Altai, is tuned and used differently from the horse-head fiddle (morin huur; see Huur, §1) played by Khalkhas, Buryats and Inner Mongolian groups. The biy-dance is performed by Western but not Eastern Mongols, and the two-string lute is played by west Mongolian Altai Urianghais (Topshuur), Altais (topshúr) and Tuvans (toshpulúr).
Eastern Mongols who live in northern, central and eastern Mongolia share musical genres and instruments with Buryat Mongols and groups in southern Siberia, as well as with Mongols in Inner Mongolia, rather than with the Western Mongols. The two- and four-string tube spike fiddle of Buryat Mongols, huchir, is related to the southern Siberian ducheke of the Nanai and tïgrïk of the Nivkhi, as well as to the two-string Huuchir and four-string dörvön chihtei huur. These are used to accompany ‘connected verse’ (holboo, qolbuga) in musical narratives (bengsen-ü üliger) and tales of literary origin (bengsen-üliger) by Jaruud, Üzemchin and Ar Horchin Mongols in south-east Mongolia and by Jaruud, Üzemchin and Ordos Mongols in Inner Mongolia.
There are many close religious, political and cultural links with Tibet, which ruled over most of this area from the 7th century to the 10th. Oral and manuscript versions of the Gesar epic, which centres on a Tibetan hero of that period, have been found across the ethnic Tibetan culture area (see Tibetan music), as well as among Tuvans, Khalkha Mongols, Oirats, Buryats, Inner Mongols and Monguors. Affiliations between Eastern Mongols and Tibetans are displayed in their traditional wedding processes (see §2 below) and use of the horse-head fiddle (Mongol huur) and side-blown bamboo flute Limbe (Tibetan gling-bu). The latter is also played in China (ti-zu).
In the 20th century Mongolia, Tuva and Buryatia were subjected to Soviet communism, Inner Mongolia, Xinjiang and Tibet to Chinese communism. Under Soviet communism, the formula ‘national in form, socialist in content’ involved the elimination of diversity and the neutralization of musical traditions. Musical traditions of different ethnic groups were amalgamated, subordinated to the style of the majority group in each country or region and then fused with European art forms and put into theatres. Instruments were adapted to enable production of sounds that fitted the European tempered scale and harmonic system. Traditional musics and dances were ‘folklorized’. Folk ensemble orchestras were created in which ‘national’ instruments played together with European art instruments. Dances such as the biy-dance and the religious dance-drama tsam were cross-fertilized with ballet steps (Pegg, 2001). Similarly, in Inner Mongolia, designated an autonomous region of the People's Republic of China since its foundation in 1949, Mongol music came under the influence of the Party's programme of the Cultural Revolution (1966–76), when artist organizations took the message of ‘New China’ to the whole country, and local musicians were incorporated into a state union (Pegg, 1992).
Musical activities take place in herding and hunting contexts as well as during domestic and public celebrations. Inner Asian nomads are herders of domestic animals (sheep, cows, horses, goats and camels or yaks) and hunters of wild animals. A variety of vocal sounds, including whistling, calls, melodious short-songs (magtaar) and overtone-singing (höömii), are used to call and control animals and birds. Mongols use musical remedies for domesticated animals that reject their young. For a ewe, the song includes the sounds ‘toig, toig, toig’; for goats, ‘chüü, chüü, chüü’; for cows, ‘hoov, hoov, hoov’; and for camels they play the huur and sing. (Mares never reject foals.) The morin huur or ikil is often used to soothe restless horses and camels, sometimes hung from a camel's hump so that the wind continually sounds the strings. The fiddle is used when animals are giving birth and thus came to symbolize prosperity. Among Kazakhs, the end-blown pipe sybyzgy is played for the same purpose.
Herders spend many lonely hours in the steppes and mountains and use music and song for entertainment. Mongols say that long-songs (see Mongol music, §II, 1(i)) developed because of the need to fill their vast territory with sounds. The side-blown flute limbe and end-blown pipe tsuur are favoured by men because they are light and easily tucked into the belt. The jew's harp (aman huur) is played by both men and women.
Hunters, always male, use ritual musics before, during and after the hunt. Prior to the hunt, epics (tuul’) or praise-songs (magtaal) are performed in order to charm the spirits into giving game (see Mongol music, §II, 1(iii) and (iv)). Hunters also offer tsatsal (‘milk-aspersions’) and purify their saddle thongs with juniper while emitting rhythmical verses to the spirits. Altai Urianghais perform a special long-song, Alag Altain Shild, to instigate the hunter's departure. Hunters use a variety of vocal and instrumental sounds to lure animals, including imitating animals, whistling, singing and höömii. The marmot-hunting masked dance (see Mongol music, §II, 3) is performed by Mongols and Tuvans. After the kill, verses are intoned over the dead animal and long-songs performed on the journey home.
Official celebrations occur in both private and public space. Common to many Inner Asian peoples is the family celebration, a major occasion for music-making within the round felt tent as part of rites of passage. Traditionally, annual time is reckoned according to the lunar calendar. Ritual celebrations are held to bring in the New Year in the first month (February); to celebrate the arrival of summer when taking first milk from mares in the fifth month (June); to signal the close of autumn when marking foals with the brand of clan or tribe before releasing them and the mares into the wild; to inaugurate winter when settling into an appropriate new encampment; and to continue the revolution of the seasons by ‘beckoning good fortune’. Life-cycle celebrations include a child's first hair-cutting; the wedding process (including felt-making and setting up a new tent); departure for travel, and funerals. Traditional wedding processes among Tibetan and Mongol groups are highly theatrical, including arrow rituals, wish-prayers for the couple's new dwelling, and competitions; they involve masters of ceremonies who use oratorical skills to orchestrate the unfolding dramas of both sides. Among Mongols, official festivals in public spaces include the ‘Festival of Three Manly Sports’ (Eriin Gurvan Naadam), with its competitions in horse-racing, wrestling and archery; these also involve performances of songs and praise-recitations (tsol) (see Mongol music, §II, 1(vi); see also Pegg, 2001). Traditionally linked to folk-religious rites and Buddhist beliefs and practices, the timing of the games was crucial, since they were believed to influence analogous events in the world. They were often combined with rituals performed at cairns or oboo.
Three predominant religious complexes intermingle in Inner Asia: folk religion, Shamanism and Buddhism. Islam, practised by Kazakhs and Kyrgyz in west Mongolia and in Xinjiang, looks to the religious and musical traditions of Central rather than Inner Asia. The three Inner Asian religious complexes include mosaics of performing practices and discourses rather than discrete or fixed sets of practices or beliefs. They are syncretic and overlapping. The power of sound to communicate with spirits is recognized by all three systems, and circular movements in the ‘path of the sun’ are used by all in a range of performing practices. For instance, in folk-religious rituals the Mongolian masked dancer twirls a yak's tail during marmot hunting, the Buryat Mongol performs the yoohor dance in a circle, Mongolian child riders encircle a tethering line while performing the ritual song giingoo, champion Mongolian and Tuvan wrestlers encircle a standard as they perform the Khan Guruda dance, and umpires in archery competitions accompany their song with circular gestures as they invite the arrows to meet their mark. The circular gesture occurs in shamanic seances when spirits are called, and the shaman or shamaness spins while beating the drum. In Buddhist rituals, such as the masked dance-drama ’cham, dancer-lamas move clockwise along a path marked by two concentric circles.
Musical performances arising from folk-religious beliefs are essential to individual, family and clan life. These are performed by laypeople or by male ritual specialists, such as the Mongolian bagshi, who makes sacrifices and offerings, consecrates horses to spirits, pronounces banishing spells and makes divinations, and tuul'ch (epic bards), who use their performances to accomplish exorcism and weather-magic and to invite prosperity, fertility and health.
Vocal repertories of folk-religious practitioners include praise-songs and epics as well as a range of rhythmical utterances such as wish-prayers, well-wishing words and anointments, invocations and curses. The continuum of sounds used in imitation of natural phenomena and animate beings in order to negotiate with spirits ranges from snorting and blowing to chanting and singing (see also Tuvan music, Overtone-singing). Performance occurs within soundscapes in which the noises of nature – made by wind, water, animals and birds – have the power to communicate with, and effect, the lives and bodies of humans, and in which humans, by imitating those sounds, can in turn influence and affect all aspects of nature, including the spirits.
As among those of Central Asian countries, such as the baxshi or zhïrau of Uzbekistan, the bards of Inner Asia use a deep, guttural vocal tone during epic performance to contact the spirit world and to heal or to control nature. Inner Asian bards create a ritual space, an imagined world linked to the real world by a system of 13s but apart from it, in which the epic drama may unfold and the power of performance be activated (see Mongol music, §III, 1). Epic heroes, like other armed heroes on horseback, are the focus of religious cults. Star-gods are contacted by performances of incantations, wish-prayers, long-songs and epics, and dances are performed to the goddess of fire.
Shamanisms include a range of ritual specialists, whose discourses and practices vary according to historical, regional and political contexts. In ancient times, the male shaman helped men in hunting and war, while the female shaman made sacrifices to the fire of her clan. Prior to the 13th century, male and female shamans were believed to have equal powers as Protector and Guardian Spirits. During the period of the Mongol Empire (1206–1368), shamans were powerful political as well as spiritual advisors. Books, manuals and manuscripts on rites, ancestor worship, temple ceremonies, chiromancy, scapulimancy, dreams, prayers, hymns and the hagiography of ‘Great Shamans and Shamanesses’ were destroyed by Buddhists from the 16th century to the 19th and many of their practices and beliefs assimilated. In Mongolia, ‘white’ shamans accepting the new ‘yellow’ religion of Buddhism were transformed into ‘yellow’ shamans who were able to practice in monasteries, for instance in Dayan Derhe Sharavliin Hüree, situated on the border of Mongolia and Buryatia. Despite continued attempts to eradicate or assimilate Shamanism during the dissemination of both Buddhism and communism, shamanizing secretly continued and is once again flourishing. In contemporary practice, female shamans continue to be viewed as powerful. The practitioner's performance is oral and is dramatized and improvised according to whether the ceremony is for healing, advice on hunting or divination. In contrast to Eliade's archetypal male shaman who engaged in ‘magical flight’, male or female practitioners may choose to enter dissociated or semi-dissociated states. They employ a range of vocal and instrumental sounds while shamanizing and use their own distinctive melodies for invoking spirits and for rendering the spirit's advice. Percussive non-vocal and non-instrumental sounds are produced by small bells and miniature metal weapons or pins attached to the shaman's drum, staff, switch, rattle, drumstick and costume (see fig.2). The shaman may leap, spin, imitate riding and walking, or appear to dance or embody particular birds or animals.
The single-headed frame drum is the most frequently used shaman instrument among Inner Asian and Siberian peoples, symbolizing the saddle animal on which the shaman travels to the upper or lower worlds to negotiate with spirits or the mount that carries the invoked spirit to the shaman. The animal is identified with that of the skin from which the drumhead is made. Iron pins are attached to the back of the drum by means of a cross stick or wire (see Hets). Tuvans, Buryats and Darhats use a horse-headed staff or a staff with two or three fork-like branches, thought to fulfil the same function. This is beaten by a hide drumstick or thrust back and forth during invocations. For Tuvans, the staff is the first requisite of shamanship. As the practitioner's powers increase, an orba (drumstick) and düngür (frame drum) is requested during ‘trance’. Senior Darhat shamans beat a drum. Buryats use the staff or drum to call ‘black’ spirits (haryn duudlaga).
Similarly, the jew's harp is used at different stages of the shaman's career or in different contexts according to ethnicity (Pegg, 2001).
Mahayana or ‘Great Vehicle’ Buddhism, which included Tantrism (Vajrayana), travelled from India to Tibet and was later disseminated throughout Inner Asia. In Tibet four great religious traditions emerged: first Nyingmapa (Tibetan rnying-ma-pa), then Kargyudpa (Tibetan bka'-brgyud-pa) and Saskyapa (Tibetan sa-skya-pa) and finally, the reformist Gelugpa (Tibetan dge-lugs-pa). During the 13th century, powerful Tibetan monasteries competed for the favours of Mongol leaders. The Saskyapa school emerged as successful when ’Phags pa initiated Khubilai Khan in the practices of Hevajra (Tibetan kye rdo-rje) Tantra in exchange for sovereignty over Tibet. During the 16th century, the Gelugpa order gained predominance in the area, but the struggle between this (colloquially termed ‘Yellow Hat’) and the others (collectively termed ‘Red Hats’) continued to relate to the broader political situation. In contemporary Mongolia, the ‘Red Hats’ are viewed as being less formal and closer to the people.
Performance styles and repertories vary between the four religious traditions. For instance, with reference to the melodies played on shawms (Tibetan rgya-gling, Mongol bishgüür), the Saskyapa tradition is known for its majestic style; Gelugpa for its sparse use of melodies; Kargyudpa for melodies with an extremely slow ascent to the highest pitch; and Nyingmapa for ‘folksong-like’ tunes. Similarly, there are clear differences in dance movements: Nyingmapa music and dance are very elaborate, with much movement; Gelugpa are ‘classical’, with minimal movements in line with their ideal ‘not to make a show’. There were also variations within these performance traditions, between subdivisions of these religious schools as well as between monasteries within the same tradition. In addition, performance traditions and repertories of monasteries in different states drew on Tibetan traditions but adapted them to local needs.
Scriptural recitation, together with liturgical performance, constitutes the cyclical basis of monastic life. Traditionally, each monastery had its own manuscripts containing song texts for chants and songs, and notations (Tibetan dbangs-yig, Mongol yan-yig) (see Mongol music, §III, 3(i)). Chants performed by lamas during religious rituals were in Tibetan (with a small element of Sanskrit) and were interpersed with sounds of gongs, cymbals or wind instruments. In recent decades, ethnomusicologists and organologists have worked increasingly on the performance of Tibetan ritual (see Tibetan music), though there are few sources in European languages on the forms that notation took in Mongolia or on any Mongolian Buddhist performance traditions. H. Haslund-Christensen's recordings made in 1936–7 at Wang-Yin monastery in Inner Mongolia have not been published. P.J. van Oost produced a short article, and C.A. Pegg has published a précis of ongoing contemporary research.
The basic instrumentaria in Buddhist monasteries across Inner Asia is the same: a small hand-bell (Tibetan dril-bu, Mongol honh) held in the left hand together with the ritual sceptre (Mongol dorje) in the right; thigh-bone trumpets, usually played in pairs for invocation of fierce deities and to signal entry of masked dancers in the 'chams; long, metal bass trumpets and white, end-blown conch-shell trumpets; wooden shawms; and a range of cymbals and double- and single-headed frame drums. In monasteries in Mongolia and Inner Mongolia, additional instruments were traditionally to be found: the half-tube zither Yatga in Mongolian areas, the gong-chime (Chin. yün-lo, Mongol duuduram) and free-reed mouth organ (Chin. sheng) in Chinese areas.
The Buddhist 'chams (Mongol tsam) is a masked Tantric dance-drama performed on public occasions. In Tibet, 'chams is thought to have developed out of a fusion of Indian Buddhist ritual dance (Tibetan gar), Indian Buddhist theatre and pre-Buddhist Tibetan masked ceremonial dances performed by Bonpo monks and lay men and women (see Tibetan music, §II, 2(ii)). A dance book ('chams-yig) of iconographical, choreographical, musical and ritual information, written mostly by the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag Dbang Blo Bzang Rgya Mtsho, when he ruled Tibet (1617–82) but completed by later spiritual heads of Gelugpa, is based primarily on Nyingmapa and Saskyapa traditions. As Buddhism spread, the structure of the dance-drama remained, though characters were given local interpretations and new ones added. In all 'chams, movements of dancer-lamas metaphysically create the spheres of heaven, wind, water and fire: the iconographic details of the Mandala. Dancer-lamas invoke and embody Tantric deities for those spheres together with their retinues; malevolent spirits, also created and invited, are forced to enter a human effigy (Tibetan linga) previously made of dough, wax or paper and then magically destroyed; and parts of the ‘corpse’, i.e. the dead bodies of the spirits, are offered to the deities of the Mandala.
In areas where the Gelugpa order predominated, non-Buddhist forms such as epics were considered as ideological weapons of rival religious complexes. In areas where ‘Red Hat’ orders prevailed, lamas protected and patronized epics by inviting bards to the monasteries to perform; indeed, sometimes lamas themselves performed. In west Mongolia this gave rise to legends that some lamas were reincarnations of epic heroes. Dani-Hürel, hero of a lengthy Bait and Dörvet epic cycle, was said to have been reborn in the Bait Dejeelin monastery, where he held the grade of bagsh-gegeen. Similarly, epic heroes became identified as Buddhist gods. Other non-Buddhist musical genres, such as long-songs and full-scale musical dramas, were performed in the monasteries of ‘Red Hat’ orders (see Mongol music, §III, 3(iv)).
P.J. van Oost: ‘La musique chez les Mongols des Urdus’, Anthropos, x–xi (1915–16), 358–96
A. Mostaert: Textes oraux ordos (Peip'ing, 1937)
V. Diószegi: ‘Ethnogenic Aspects of Darkhat Shamanism’, Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, xvi/1 (1963), 55–81
K. Vertkov, G. Blagodatov and E. Yazovitskaya: Atlas muzïkal'nïkh instrumentov narodov SSSR [Atlas of the musical instruments of the peoples of the USSR] (Moscow, 1963)
A.N. Aksenov: Tuvinskaia narodnaia muzyka [Tuvin folk music] (Moscow, 1964)
G. Tucci: ‘Die Religionen Tibets’, Die Religionen Tibets und der Mongolei, ed. G. Tucci and W. Heissig (1970; Eng. trans., 1980)
A.N. Aksenov: ‘Tuvin Folk Music’, AsM, iv/2 (1973), 7–18
R. de Nebesky-Wojkowitz: Tibetan Religious Dances: Text and Translation of the ’Chams yig, ed. C. von Fürer-Haimendorf (Paris, 1976)
M. Slobin: Music of Central Asia and the Volga-Ural Peoples (Bloomington, IN, 1977)
L.P. Potapov: ‘The Shaman Drum as a Source of Ethnographical History’, Shamanism in Siberia, ed. V. Diószegi and M. Hoppál (Budapest, 1978), 169–80
T. Ellingson: ‘Dancers in the Marketplace: Tibetan Religious Dances’, AsM, x/2 (1979), 159–78
Rakra Tethong: ‘Conversations on Tibetan Musical Traditions’, AsM, x/2 (1979), 5–22
S.I. Vainshtein: ‘A Musical Phenomenon Born in the Steppes’, Soviet Anthropology and Archaeology, xviii/3 (1979–80), 68–81
A. Perris: ‘Music as Propaganda: Art at the Command of Doctrine in the People's Republic of China’, EthM, xxvii/1 (1983), 1–28
B. Nimri Aziz: ‘On Translating Oral Traditions: Ceremonial Wedding Poetry from Dingri’, Soundings in Tibetan Civilization, ed. B. Nimri Aziz and M. Kapstein (New Delhi, 1985), 115–31
C.A. Pegg: ‘The Revival of Ethnic and Cultural Identity in West Mongolia: The Altai Uriangkhai tsuur, the Tuvan shuur and the Kazak sybyzgy’, Journal of the Anglo-Mongolian Society, xii/1–2 (1991), 71–84
C.A. Pegg: ‘The Epic is Dead, Long Live the Üliger?’, Epensymposium VI: Bonn 1988, Fragen der mongolischen Heldendichtung, v (Wiesbaden, 1992), 194–206
M. van Tongeren: Xöömej in Tuva: New Developments, New Dimensions (diss., U. of Amsterdam, 1994)
T. Levin: The 100,000 Fools of God: Musical Travels in Central Asia (Bloomington, IN, 1996)
S.I. Vainshtein: ‘The Tuvan (Soyot) Shaman's Drum and the Ceremony of its Enlivening’, Folk Beliefs and Shamanistic Traditions in Siberia, ed. V. Diószegi and M. Hoppál (Budapest, 1996), 127–34
C.A. Pegg: Mongolian Music, Song and Oral Narrative: Performing Diverse Identities (Seattle, 2001) [incl. CD]
For further bibliography see Mongol music, Tuvan music, Tibetan music, China, §IV, 5 and Russian federation, §III
Mongolie: chants kazakhs et tradition épique de l'Ouest, coll. A. Desjacques, Ocora C580051 (1985/R)
Turkmenistan: la musique des Bakhshy, Musée d'Ethnographie de Genève, AIMP, xxii (1988–90)
Tuva: Voices from the Center of Asia, Smithsonian Folkways SF40017 (1990)
Huun-Huur-Tu: 60 Horses in my Herd, perf. Huun-Huur-Tu, Shanachie 64050 (1993)
Musiques de Mongolie, Buda BCD 92591–2 (1993)
Yenesei-Punk, perf. Yat-kha (A. Saaia, K.A. Akym and A. Kuvezin), Global Music Center GM CD 9504 (1995)
Chants épiques et diphoniques: Asie centrale et Sibérie, Inedit-MCM W260067 (1996)
Mongolie: chamans et lamas, coll. A. Desjacques, Ocora C560059 (1999)