Country in the Middle East, flanked by the Red sea and the Arabian Gulf. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, with an area of 2·2 million km2, covers nearly 80% of the Arabian peninsula. The population is small (21·66 million, 2000 estimate) but comparatively diverse; over one quarter is non-Saudi.
LISA A. URKEVICH
The area of the present kingdom has been exposed to many cultures, including Mesopotamian, Egyptian, Greek, Roman, Byzantine, Indian, Persian and Chinese, because of its important ancient trade routes, as well as the visits by millions of Muslim pilgrims to its Islamic holy cities, Mecca (Makkah) and Medina (Medinah). The Islamic era dates from the hijra (hegira), 622 ce, when the Prophet Muhammad returned to his birthplace of Medina. Ottoman Turks, who controlled the coastal regions of Saudi Arabia from the 16th century until the first quarter of the 20th, have also had significant influence on the area.
The Saudi state was cultivated in the 18th century on the basis of Wahhabism, a Muslim reform movement: in 1745 the Sa‘ūd family joined with Muhammad bin ‘Abd al-Wahhāb, a jurist who preached a simple form of Islam that exposed abuses and called for a return to the literal interpretation of the Qur’an. Together with his followers, the family subsequently ruled inner Arabia with no recognition of any division between the secular and religious realms. This combined force succeeded in establishing the present kingdom in 1932, after Shaykh ‘Abd al-‘Azīz bin al-Sa‘ūd had defeated the Ottoman Turks who occupied the coastal regions. Wahhabism was crucial for the nation’s success; it served as an ideological justification for the struggle against the Turks, who practised what was believed to be a corrupt form of Islam. Shortly thereafter (with the discovery of oil in 1938), the nation quickly gained recognition as a wealthy oil-producing country.
There are five primary regions in Saudi Arabia (fig.1). Al-Hijaz, along the upper Red sea coast, is of great historical importance to Arab civilization. It was unrivalled as an international meeting-place; the holy cities of Mecca and Medina are located there, as was the pre- and early-Islamic annual fair (sūq ‘ukadh) featuring a great poetry contest with sung poems. Najd, the harsh heartland, has the capital city, Riyadh, and is the home of Wahhabism and the ruling Sa‘ūd family. ‘Asir, along the southern border, has close cultural ties with neighbouring Yemen. Al-Hasa, the Eastern province, has the oil industry and cultural links with the Arabian Gulf. Al-Rub‘ al-Khali (the Empty Quarter), a very large inhospitable desert, is inhabited by a small number of Bedouin nomads (mainly on its periphery).
Saudi folk music dates back thousands of years, originating in Bedouin culture. Each region, city and village has a unique tradition. Since the country’s inception, many musicians have been influenced by the thriving music industry of Egypt and other Arab countries, but Saudi musicians never ceased to perform and promote the music of their own heritage.
Nevertheless, with its close ideological links to Wahhabism, Saudi nationalism was accompanied by religious puritanism. The Wahhabi concern for strict interpretation of the Qur'an, combined with a distaste for the Ottoman lifestyle and for Sufism (which had flourished under the Ottomans), compelled the sect to impose certain prohibitions pertaining to daily life. These included a ban on ecstatic group worship, dancing, musical instruments, and singing. See also Islamic religious music, §I, 2.
Throughout the history of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, restrictions on music have been enforced to various degrees. Severe beatings have been given to all who attended musical gatherings. Instruments have been confiscated and destroyed, homes entered, and gramophones and record players demolished. Warnings have been issued against involvement in anything that concerns music. Yet, even during the most restrictive periods, musicians would gather clandestinely outside the cities to perform. Today, there is still considerable control over music. Lay people and musicians alike are most cautious with musical activities, especially women, as they are under greater scrutiny than men.
Some musical performance occurs during work-related tasks; other performance, like that of sung poetry, is often shared in a private setting. However, most music is part of an event or ritual. Today, as in the past, music is used to celebrate weddings, engagements, religious holidays, visits of dignitaries and births. In former times, it was used in rituals of circumcision, healing, harvesting, sowing and the hunt. The greatest amount of music-making takes place during social gatherings on summer evenings. Performances frequently continue until dawn; they are preferably held outdoors, but increasingly occur in partially enclosed areas or large theatres and halls.
Vocal compositions predominate, in accordance with the long-standing Bedouin reverence for language. Solo vocal performance might include sung poetic forms, like the hudā’ (camel song) of pre-Islamic times, often accompanied by the rabāba (fiddle). Collective performance features antiphonal singing or responsorial singing between a soloist and group. Dance is a regular occurrence of collective folk performance, and even if the chorus is kneeling, a great deal of body movement is present. Participants sit in either a circle (or semicircle) or, more commonly, in two facing ranks.
Saudi music, and that of its peninsular neighbours, is distinguished from other Middle Eastern music by a rich choral tradition and extensive use of polyrhythm. These reveal the significant influence of African pilgrims, slaves and hired workers who have lived in Arabia for centuries. To this day their descendants play a notable role in music-making.
A typical Saudi polyrhythmic pattern might include the rhythmic cycle (īqā‘), sometimes called al-sa‘ūdī, of 3 + 3 + 2 (dum, dum, tek), layered simultaneously with a syncopated eight-beat pattern in double time. Group singing is performed in unison or heterophonically. There is generally no polyphony (though some pearl-diver songs (fijīrī) have features that resemble polyphony).
The form of compositions depends largely on text. Because music is transmitted orally, songs tend to consist of short, memorable, rhythmic phrases with much repetition. A brief, free section usually opens a piece, establishing the tonal centre, melodic mode (maqām), text or (for dance pieces) rhythmic beat.
The ‘arda, a weapon dance popular in al-Najd and al-‘Asir, is the primary national folksong and dance, derived from an ancient tradition of war chants sung by advancing warriors to frighten the enemy. It originally showed the numerical strength of the group, its arsenal of weapons and the skills of the fighters. The lengthy performance prepared the community for combat and raised morale. In earlier times, the ‘arda was performed by both men and women together. It is now danced by men at social occasions.
Carrying swords or daggers and standing shoulder to shoulder in two facing lines, the participants step from side to side, slowly moving their swords up and down. From the midst of the group, a poet-singer (shā‘ir) presents verses in short melodic phrases, which are then repeated by a group of dancers.
Slightly different versions are performed in Najd and ‘Asir; the Najd rendition, often danced in public by the king himself, is more famous and has been adopted throughout the Gulf region. The Najd ‘arda is in a compound duple metre, with a deliberate six-beat pattern (dum, dum, tek, dum, tek, tek) performed on the tabl (dum) and double-headed tār (tek) frame drums. There are normally one or two tabl players and five or six tār drummers. The ‘Asir ‘arda has a quick, duple, galloping beat. (See also Bedouin music, §2(vi).)
The majrūr is a folk art associated primarily with Ta‘if, but also found in ‘Asir. Rich in polyrhythm, it may have originated in northern Arabia or may have been brought to the peninsula by Africans. The text is usually a love poem or heroic eulogy.
Each participant in the two facing ranks of performers holds a treble tār (pl. tīran). The lead drummer sits between the ranks with a bass-sounding tabīr across his lap and treble tār in his hand. He sets the tempo for the singing dancers, who move to the centre singly or in small groups. One who has left his rank can beat out a new rhythm, which the others must follow (this practice is called al-khisra). Rhythms include those referred to as majrash and shabshār.
The mizmār, believed to be over a thousand years old, is the most popular dance of the western region. Regularly performed in Mecca, Medina and Jiddah, it is exclusively for men. A pair of performers holds long wooden canes, feigning combat. The dance's name derives from the aerophone mizmār, which is traditionally featured but not essential. Rhythmic clapping (tasfīq) is employed, often in hocket style. Melodies known as zawamīl are chanted to the accompaniment of various sized tīran (usually six).
Pearl-diver music traditions, known as fijīrī, thrived in the Eastern province until the 1930s. Every dhow (boat) would leave port with several musicians (niham) on board whose sole purpose was to encourage and entertain the divers. Divers and their assistants would often join in the singing. Some pieces featured a solo improvisor accompanied by the chorus producing an extraordinarily deep vocal drone or ostinato, testament to the great breath control of the divers. Hand-clapping and drums (tār and tabl) accompanied the niham, sometimes with cymbals (sījān). When divers returned after a long, arduous summer excursion, they would spend winter nights at a gathering place, al-dār, where they would sing and dance a variety of styles, including a'shūrī, khamārī, sāmrī, and ‘arda. (See also Arabian Gulf.)
Sāmrī is a cycle of songs sung at night with the text of short poems about love or physical beauty. Although the poetry comes from the ancient nabatī tradition, the focus is more on music than text. Sāmrī has many melodies, but only one rhythm, with a triple core (dum, tek, tek).
In rural areas, one of the functions of sāmrī was to keep a snake-bitten person awake until a healer could arrive. During Wahhabi music prohibition, musicians would have someone feign a snake bite so they could perform unhindered.
Poetic duelling (galtih or riddiyyih) is part of the nabatī tradition with origins in Najd. It is an improvised form in which two rival poet-singers take turns in delivering originally created verses. Following each soloist, an ensemble repeats the text. Hand-clapping (tasfīq) is usually the only non-vocal sound.
The sahbā was a favourite collective performance of al-Hijaz fishermen celebrating their return home from a lengthy sea voyage. This ancient form is in two types, Egyptian or Yemeni, and is now regularly presented at festive occasions. In Yanbu’, the ‘ijil, simsimiyya and mārwās are forms with an old Egyptian flavour; they relieved monotony and provided motivation while sailors performed chores. One of the oldest forms in the peninsula, al-khobaytī, is known for the complex movements of individual singing dancers. Al-sihba, from outside Medina, recalls the famous muwashshah poems and songs of Arab Andalusia. Al-khasra, with western Somalian characteristics, is usually sung to the accompaniment of the simsimiyya. In the Eastern province, there is ghajarī (Gypsy) music and the African based līwa. Najd has al-najdiyya, whose text revolves around themes of love, brotherhood and courage. In the north, the dahha, which might employ a rabāba, is popular.
The core instrument of traditional Saudi music is the frame drum tār or duff. This is made of goat or sheepskin and, as a rule, comes in sets of six, ranging in size from 31 to 62 cm in diameter. To the religious community, these hand-played, single headed drums are the most acceptable instruments: they disdain all melodic instruments.
Variations of the frame drum are found in the weapon dance, ‘arda. Najd ‘arda features a double-headed frame drum ornamented with brightly coloured wool tassels (danādīsh). It has a wooden handle so that the performer can hold it high above the head while playing with a stick. The tār used in ‘Asir ‘arda is probably of African origin and has been referred to as zalafa or sahfa. This drum has a membrane on one side and is partially closed on the other, leaving open a mid-sized hole. Projecting wooden pegs placed in the outer rim help secure the head, giving a spoked appearance. The hand-played drum is held with the opening against the body (often with the aid of a strap), allowing the performer to alter the sound by muting the hole against his or her chest.
These frame drums are often accompanied by two tubūl (sing. tabl), cylindrical laced membranophones of various sizes that play a bass drum role. Other drums include the goblet-shaped tabīr found in majrūr performance; a variety of conical, double-headed drums; kettledrums, usually clay, with various names (e.g. Zir ardhī); and the small, cylindrical, double-headed mirwās. Many of these drums are probably of African or Indian origin.
Sometimes, small cymbals (sījān) are added to collective performances, especially in the music of al-Hasa sailors. Other idiophones include found objects such as metal motor car wheel drums struck with sticks. The tanaka (‘tank’) is made of a petrol can or large date tin, often filled with pebbles and played by hand or with beaters.
The rabāba, is the primary melodic instrument of the Bedouin, a bowed chordophone with an oblong soundbox. Each broad side is covered with goat- or camelskin, although, by tradition, wolfskin is preferred. The rattan, horse-hair bow is held with an underhanded grip. The rabāba is used to accompany sung poetry, such as that of a short nabatī (vernacular) poem or a section of a longer one. A measured, narrow-ranged phrase will be sung and played heterophonically, then repeated alone on the rabāba, usually with some modest ornamentation. Instrumental interludes provide time for the poet to create or recall verses.
The simsimiyya (sometimes called tanbūra) is a five-stringed lyre common to Sudan, Ethiopia and Egypt. Popular in al-Hijaz and ‘Asir and also found in the eastern region, it is most associated with the port city of Yanbu’ (north of Jiddah) and with sailors and fishermen. The simsimiyya most prevalent in Saudi Arabia is approximately 70 cm in length and has a round, single-holed wooden soundbox, or a soundbox of a rectangular petrol can. The strings are adjusted by tuning pegs at the top of the triangular instrument. It is played by strumming open strings with a plectrum in the right hand while dampening others with the left hand. Typically, it produces a drone during the opening improvised vocal section of a piece; then percussion enters and the simsimiyya provides a lively ostinato pattern.
The ‘ūd is quite popular in Saudi Arabia. It has long been the main urban melodic instrument and was perhaps considered too fragile for transportation in the desert. Large Egyptian-style instruments are imported from Cairo.
The mizmār is a small wind instrument comprised of two single-reed bamboo pipes tied together and played simultaneously. The pipe lengths vary slightly, thus producing harmonic beats when played. The mizmār features in the dance that bears its name.
Other instruments include the oboe-like instrument sūrnāy (also sometimes confusingly called mizmār), found in al-Hasa and used in dances such as the African-style līwa. Less traditional, yet common instruments are the violin, qānūn (plucked zither), Western drum set, electronic microtonal keyboard and instruments of wind and percussion marching bands.
The first music to be sanctioned by the Saudi government was that of the military marching wind and percussion band. Given its immediate and significant function, it was least offensive to Wahhabism. Moreover, Arabia had a history of using music to rally fighters, and Turkish military brass bands had been familiar for many years.
The young soldier Tāriq ‘Abd al-Hakīm (b 1922) established the first Saudi military bands, having studied music in Cairo. He went on to produce and compose pieces featuring old styles, becoming an eminent musician and scholar, the most significant exponent of national Saudi music. Another musician, Sirāj ‘Umar, is well known for his nationalistic songs, including Al-watan (‘Nation’), which was heard in morning school assemblies. Muhammad ‘abdu represents Saudi music internationally and at home. He and Talāl Madāh (b 1941), whose careers mirror each other, are revered singers and composers of modern works. They perform in a variety of styles and dialects, incorporating regional rhythms and instruments. (For women musicians, see §V below.)
Since the 1980s, partially due to a wariness of foreign cultural influence, the government has been actively supporting folk arts and music. A state-run annual cultural festival established in 1985, known as al-Janadriyya, features folk artists and popular singers, such as the favoured Muhammad ‘Abdu.
Saudi Arabia has a long and substantial tradition of women's music. In pre-Islamic and early Islamic times, women and girls dominated the music arena. The famed professional women musicians known as Qaynas were virtuoso performers from al-Hijaz. Accounts note that when the Prophet Muhammad migrated to Medina in 622, he was welcomed by young women of the Banī Najār tribe, playing frame drums and singing the now famed Tala'a al-badru ‘alaynā. By the first century of Islam, women were largely responsible for establishing al-Hijaz as an important centre for both male and female singers. Beyond urban music, women took part in chanting songs to encourage warriors into battle. They would dance and sing the ‘arda, partake in poetic duelling and perform at tribal feasts.
Today, in gender-segregated Saudi Arabia, the authorities impose more restrictions on women than men, especially with regard to music. Female musical talent is commonly hidden or at least not flaunted. With one or two exceptions, Saudi women have never been permitted to produce professional recordings in the country. However, women are highly active in live musical performance, more so than men. Women's wedding parties, haflāt al-zaffa, featuring women musicians, are held nightly during the summer in urban centres, whereas male marriage celebrations usually have no music.
At women's parties, the instruments and type of ensemble vary, depending on the social and financial status of a family and their religious beliefs. The core ensemble of wedding parties (and the most acceptable for families concerned with religious doctrine) consists of a singer (mutriba) who sometimes plays the ‘ūd, and her vocal-percussion group of six to eight tār players, who are often related to one another. Ensembles hired by wealthy, westernized families might add a drum set, microtonal keyboard and violin(s). Such groups often perform popular Gulf-region songs. Today, at small house wedding feasts, a soloist is sometimes employed; she sings, plays the tār and accompanies herself on a keyboard. Increasingly, female disc jockeys are hired to play recordings throughout the night. In any event, those who provide music are handsomely paid. The audience participates by dancing and producing the high-pitched women's trill, zaghārīd or ghatārīf. The most prestigious wedding performer of al-Hijaz is the aged singer and ‘ūd-player Tuha. It is an honour to have her perform at a wedding, especially if she had played at the wedding of the bride's mother or grandmother.
Leading women singer-musicians with national reputations include Ibtisām Lutfī, known as ‘the Umm Kulthum of Saudi Arabia’. This gifted blind singer went into semi-retirement in the 1980s, but her recordings survive at the government-controlled Saudi Media Channels. Ibtisām came from the musical house of Talāl Madāh (see §IV above). He also championed the famous female singer ‘Itāb, with whom he made a few duet recordings. ‘Itāb has an international reputation in the Middle East and has lived and recorded abroad.
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Sh'abiyat, vol. 15–16, perf. M. Abdu, Sout El Jazira MACD 528 and MADC 529
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