Lamellophone [lamellaphone].

A musical instrument whose sound is generated essentially by the vibration of thin lamellae (Lat. lamella, from lamina: ‘a thin plate or layer’) or tongues (hence the term ‘linguaphone’) of metal, wood or other material. Here, however, the term ‘lamellophone’ is not used for free-reed aerophones such as the Jew’s harp, Accordion or the European Mouth organ, nor for the European Musical box, but for another type of idiophone found throughout many regions of sub-Saharan Africa and in Latin America.

1. Introduction.

2. Terminology.

3. Typology, tuning and playing techniques.

4. Early history.

5. Written and iconographical sources.

6. African typology and distribution in the 19th and 20th centuries.

7. Latin America.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

GERHARD KUBIK (1–6), PETER COOKE/R (7)

Lamellophone

1. Introduction.

Lamellophones form a particularly important and much ramified family of African musical instruments.

A lamellophone produces sound when a lamella (or tongue), fixed at one end (by a great variety of means) and free at the other, is caused to vibrate by being gently depressed and then released by the player. As far as we know lamellophones with a complex structure and technology evolved only in sub-Saharan Africa. They represent a development of the principle outlined above: a number of lamellae are prepared for use, laid in order, fixed over a soundboard and tuned reciprocally. The soundboard may be a flat board or a resonator of various shapes, such as box- or bell-shaped. The lamellae can be attached in a wide variety of ways. On an exceptional type of instrument found in the lower Ruvuma Valley in Mozambique, Tanzania, they are hooked into the wood, but the most common method involves fixing them to a pressure bar placed between two strips of wood, which serve respectively as backrest and bridge. Extending over the bridge, the free end of each lamella can be a different length, and that determines its pitch (fig.1).

In the course of the lamellophone's history, countless forms developed in sub-Saharan Africa. Until about the middle of the 20th century, before the instruments disappeared from many areas in sub-Saharan Africa, there was great diversity in technical devices and playing techniques (Laurenty, 1962; Kubik and Malamusi 1985–7; Borel, 1986; Kubik, Berlin, 1999, and Los Angeles, 1999). In the wake of the slave trade, some types of lamellophone spread from Africa to other regions of the world, including various parts of the Caribbean, Central and South America. There are large collections of lamellophones in European museums from the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

Lamellophone

2. Terminology.

In ethnographic and travel literature in European languages, African lamellophones are referred to by a variety of terms including ‘hand piano’, ‘thumb piano’, ‘pianino’, even ‘Kaffir piano’ and ‘Klimper’ (the German equivalent of ‘joanna’). Sometimes local names were reported in the orthographic systems of the various European languages, and occasionally distorted. Thus the Kimbundu term kisanji entered the Portuguese language as quissange. A famous example of a corrupted form that was reported is ‘sansa’ (also ‘sanza’, ‘zanza’), referring to a common designation of the instrument in the lower Zambezi valley (Mozambique); nsansi (in Chiyungwe) or sansi (in the Maravi languages); the error seems to go back to Charles Livingstone.

The adoption of a local name, distorted or not, in a European language also regularly entailed some form of generalization. The specific local expression was interpreted as an African generic term for this group of instruments. One example is the generalization of the word mbira, indigenous to Zimbabwe; in the literature this has been used sometimes to denote not only West African lamellophones that were never called mbira but even Caribbean and Latin American instruments.

The word ‘Lamellophon’ was used for the first time by Kubik (1966) and has since become accepted in the major European languages (‘lamellophone’ in French and English; ‘lamelofone’ in Portuguese, etc.).

Table 1 illustrates some common names for lamellophones in African languages. In spite of this variety, especially in Bantu languages, many of the names display common word-stems: -limba or -rimba; -mbila or -mbira; -sansi or -sanji; and -kembe. Some are identical in lamellophone and xylophone names of Central and south-east Africa. This suggests that an analogy is felt by the speakers of these languages.

Lamellophone

3. Typology, tuning and playing techniques.

African lamellophones can be classified according to organology, playing techniques and other principles. Tracey's Handbook for Librarians (1948) and distribution map (1961), use a system based on the type of resonator summarized as follows:

(i) Rectangular board.

Also termed ‘board lamellophone’. This type most often has an external resonator, usually a gourd-calabash, e.g. the ocisanji in central and south-western Angola (fig.2).

(ii) Fan-shaped soundboard, mostly with edges raised at the sides.

This also has an external resonator, e.g. the kalimba of the Chewa in Malawi and eastern Zambia (fig.3).

(iii) Bell-shaped resonator.

The defining trait is that the resonator, like a bell, is open in one direction, namely towards the player's stomach e.g. the Loango coast type, several Zimbabwe-Zambezi types such as the matepe and nyonganyonga, the sasi (fig.4) of the Khokola at Lake Chilwa, and the mucapata of the Cokwe in Angola (fig.5).

(iv) Box-shaped resonator.

This is usually rectangular, but sometimes trapezoid. It is often hollowed-out from one piece and closed by a strip of wood e.g. the likembe (fig.6). The agidigbo of the Yoruba of Nigeria has an oversized resonator made from a crate (fig.7).

(v) Other specific shapes.

These include the ‘raft’ made of raffia straw (as in Cameroon), and the ‘dish’, with board attached by nails or glue, as in Gabon.

Irregular shapes in addition to Hugh Tracey's basic categories are frequently found in parts of Central Africa (from Gabon and southern Cameroon) to coastal areas of eastern Nigeria. Tracey's categories have been refined and modified to meet specific regional requirements by other writers, including Borel (1986), Dias (1986), De Hen (1960) and Laurenty (1962). Laurenty drew up a scheme of classification for the huge variety of lamellophones from the Democratic Republic of Congo preserved in the Musée Royale de l'Afrique Centrale in Tervuren.

Working with mbira players in Zimbabwe, Andrew Tracey (1972) discovered that musicians in this culture area think in terms of the tuning layout rather than organological features. Layout tends to be constant, in contrast with the actual intervals, which vary considerably from one musician to another; sometimes even a single musician may appear to have changed the tuning from occasion to occasion. For this reason, Tracey introduced a technique of notation that elucidates the tuning layout, pentatonic or heptatonic, without being diverted by the details of individual margins of tolerance (see fig.8).

Various devices are used to modify timbre and to produce sympathetic resonance, for instance: threading pieces of shell or bottle-tops and attaching them to the resonator; fixing rings individually around the lamellae, specific to likembe box-resonated lamellophones (fig.6); laying a string of beads or pieces of metal across the tongues as in the malimba of south-west Tanzania but also the asologun of the Bini of Nigeria; threading rings on a metal bar in a bell-shaped wooden resonator as on the matepe of the Shona and the mucapata of the Cokwe of Angola (see also fig.4); glueing a membrane from an African house-spider's nest over a hole in the middle of the soundboard, most common on the small lamellophones with fan-shaped soundboards of eastern Zambia and the central region of Malawi (fig.3) but also a feature of the box-resonated ilimba of the Gogo of Tanzania; and attaching vibrating pins to the upper side of raffia lamellae, as with the lamellophones of the Tikar and Vute in Cameroon.

The most common way of playing lamellophones is using the thumbs to depress and release the tongues. Lamellophones with box-shaped resonators may have a soundhole in the back, manipulated by the middle finger of the left hand during play to modify the timbre and to produce a ‘wowing’ effect (fig.6b). In Zimbabwe and the lower Zambezi region, thumbs and index fingers of both hands are often used with the index fingers plucking the lamellae from below. This technique is also found in the Cameroon grasslands among the Tikar and neighbouring groups.

The coast of West Africa is home to some unusual playing techniques and playing positions, for example the kondi of Sierra Leone (van Oven, 1973–4) which seems to be played ‘reversed’.

Lamellophone

4. Early history.

Organological characteristics, as well as aspects of playing technique and terminology, suggest historical connections between the lamellophones and xylophones in Africa. In a letter to the editor of African Music (1973–4), Arthur M. Jones put forward the thesis that lamellophones were conceived as ‘portable xylophones’. Jones argued that the scalar layout of eight xylophone slats could have been transformed into a V-shaped layout of eight lamellae, with the lowest note in the middle. Each thumb of the lamellophone player would then have represented one hand only of two xylophonists sitting opposite one another. In other words, according to Jones, two imaginary xylophonists were merged into one person (fig.9).

Andrew Tracey reconstructed a ‘family tree’ of the lamellophones for south-east Africa (1972). He discovered the ‘kalimba core’, an eight-note tuning pattern hidden in a central part of the tuning layout of most lamellophones (fig.10). This actually exists on some fan-shaped instruments in Zambia. Tracey then successfully reconstructed a genealogy and thereby a relative chronology of lamellophones in south-east Africa.

Archaeological finds have given hints on the early history of lamellophones. Joseph O. Vogel dug up strips of iron at Kumadzulo on the Zambezi in Zambia, which may be lamellophone tongues. Radio-carbon dating put them between the 5th and 7th centuries ce. The similar iron objects which Brian M. Fagan excavated at Kalomo and Kalundu were dated from the 10th or 11th centuries.

The dependence of constructing complex types of lamellophone on the presence of highly developed metallurgy suggests the crucial importance of regions where mining and metalworking were long established. Zimbabwe, parts of Zambia and Mozambique were regions with metallurgical centres from around the beginning of the Later Iron Age. Significantly, the earliest written sources we have about African lamellophones also come from south-east Africa.

There seem to be two historical zones of origin and dispersal of lamellophones. It might be assumed that lamellophones manufactured from materials of the raffia palm existed in west-central Africa, in Gabon, southern Cameroon and possibly eastern Nigeria before the Bantu dispersal started about 2500 years ago and that the technique spread with migrations from west-central Africa to central and south-eastern Africa where metal-manufactured versions were developed with the increase in iron technology. Lamellophones were introduced to East Africa from the Congo and, with the exception of the Ruvuma Valley along the Tanzania-Mozambique borders, only became known in East Africa at the end of the 19th century. Along the West African coast, west of the Niger delta, lamellophones were introduced between the 17th and 19th centuries when European coastal shipping brought African crewmen from other parts of the continent to that area.

Lamellophone

5. Written and iconographical sources.

In the oldest written source, Ethiopia oriental, the Portuguese missionary Frei João dos Santos (1609) gave a very detailed description of a nine-note lamellophone and reported the name ‘ambira’ from his travels in the kingdom of Kiteve (east of Zimbabwe) in 1586. Filippo Bonanni's Gabinetto armonico (1722) contains a picture of a lamellophone player, with the caption ‘Marimba de Cafri’ (probably on the coast of Mozambique).

Alexandre Rodrigues Ferreira reported on a 16-note board-type lamellophone made by a slave in north Brazil during the late 18th century. The analysis of his very detailed technical drawing (fig.11) revealed that knowledge of this type must have come from south-west Angola (Kubik 1979).

More sources become available from the mid-19th century, for example in the travel writings of David Livingstone (1865), Carl Mauch (1869–72, Eng. trans., 1969) and Capello and Ivens (1881). Mauch was the first to attempt to transcribe the playing of a mbira dza vadzimu; that of a musician he heard near the ruins of Zimbabwe (Kubik, 1971).

Lamellophone

6. African typology and distribution in the 19th and 20th centuries.

Seven major regions can be distinguished for the geographical distribution of lamellophones. Each region is associated with specific types.

(i) Eastern Nigeria and the Cameroon grasslands.

(ii) West-Central Africa's Equatorial Zone.

(iii) Southern Central-African savanna.

(iv) The Zimbabwe-Zambezi region.

(v) Northern Mozambique and the Ruvuma valley.

(vi) East Africa: Uganda, Tanzania.

(vii) The West African diaspora.

Lamellophone, §6: African typology and distribution in the 19th and 20th centuries

(i) Eastern Nigeria and the Cameroon grasslands.

This is a cohesive distribution area with a long history. The predominant material for constructing the instrument comes from the raffia palm. The soft pith of a raffia leaf stem is used to construct its body, while the tongues are cut from the hard outer skin. The box-shaped ‘Calabar’ lamellophones from the coast of eastern Nigeria generally have Nsibidi ideographs carved on them. A ‘chain stitch’ holding the lamellae in place is also characteristic of many instruments from this area.

The Tikar and the Vute in the Cameroon grasslands also have raffia lamellophones. Among the Vute they are tuned in paired octaves. The ubo aka of the Igbo people, exceptionally for the region, has metal tongues. The soundboard is firmly attached to the gourd-resonator, and has crescent-shaped openings on either side of the lamellae into which the player can put his hands. The organological characteristics of the Bini's asologun include a metal chain laid across the lamellae to cause sympathetic resonance.

Lamellophone, §6: African typology and distribution in the 19th and 20th centuries

(ii) West-Central Africa's Equatorial Zone.

The lamellophones of this region (from Gabon to the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo) come in innumerable shapes. They include instruments made of raffia or other vegetable materials and, especially in the south of the region, instruments with metal lamellae and wooden bodies.

One distinctive type is concentrated on the Loango coast and found among the Bafioti, the Manyombe and neighbouring ethnic groups (Laurenty, 1962; see fig.4). It is characterized by a bell-shaped resonator carved from a single piece of wood, with a rounded base. The soundhole, facing the player, is often in a half-moon shape. This has religious significance with the moon symbolizing a female transcendental being. The upper end of the resonator is bent slightly forwards, which means that the backrest can often be dispensed with or reduced. Loango lamellophones mostly have seven tongues, but sometimes as many as ten, laid out in ascending order of pitch from left to right.

By the mid-19th century a new type of lamellophone had been invented in the Lower Congo area, that is, the likembe (fig.6). Carried by personnel in the colonial service, it spread along the great rivers, together with the region's lingua franca, Lingala. Coquilhat, the first Belgian colonial agent, who installed himself in the area that became the Belgian Congo in the last decades of the 19th century, described the likembe in his book of 1888 about the upper course of the Congo river. Many specimens from the Bateke people (in the former French Congo) are held in museum collections. Late 19th-century specimens often have imported blue, hexagonal, glass beads around the iron lamellae as a buzzing device. Brass pins were often hammered into the soundboard as decoration (Kubik, Berlin, 1999). In the decade before World War I, the likembe was established everywhere along the Congo river, and known to the Kongo and Mfinu, as well as the Mbuja in the Kisangani vicinity. It had also spread along the Ubangi, where it was reported among Ng'baka musicians and the Ngbandi in 1911–13.

Lamellophone, §6: African typology and distribution in the 19th and 20th centuries

(iii) Southern Central-African savanna.

A striking feature of this region (Democratic Republic of the Congo, Angola, northern parts of Zambia, Malawi central region) is the predominance of the word-stem -sansi (with variant forms and different prefixes), as well as -limba. Board lamellophones with gourd resonators were once very popular among the Luba in Katanga, but they are now largely obsolete (Gansemans, 1980, p.27). To the west of the Luba, among the Lunda, board lamellophones called cisanji are known.

Board lamellophones are almost universal throughout Angola, but other forms also exist. Among the Cokwe in the north-east is found the cisaji cakele, an elongated lamellophone made of raffia with a small number of tongues, and cisaji ca kakolondondo, a board lamellophone with raised edges, buzzing rings on a bar on the narrow side of the instrument facing the musician, and usually 10 spatula-shaped iron tongues in a V-shaped layout. The cisaji ca lungandu or cisaji ca mandumbwa, a 12-note board lamellophone with raised edges and a layout in two octave ranks (the pitch ascending from left to right), is also found there. The use of pieces of wax to adjust the tuning, especially for the lower notes, is characteristic of this type. In addition there is the mucapata, which has a bell-shaped resonator, buzzing rings on a stick across the bell opening, 17, 19 or more tongues laid out above two basic notes in up to four sections according to the principle of tonal relationship (see fig.5), and the likembe, which has a box-shaped resonator and soundhole.

The tuning of instruments in this region is hexatonic among the Luba and hexa- to heptatonic among the Cokwe and their neighbours. Various organological details of individual types support conjecture that relationships between them exist in two main directions: towards the west, to the Loango coast (see, for instance, the rounded form of the resonator in some mucapata, or the reduction of the backrest); and towards the Zambezi Valley (demonstrated in the great similarity of buzzing devices on mucapata and on matepe from Zimbabwe, the tray-shape of the kakolondondo and lugandu types, and finally, above all on the cisaja ca lungandu, the layout of lamellae in two ranks.

Lamellophone, §6: African typology and distribution in the 19th and 20th centuries

(iv) The Zimbabwe-Zambezi region.

Thanks to the tireless work of Hugh Tracey, and later Andrew Tracey, this is the best researched part of Africa with regard to lamellophones, including their forms and histories. Lamellophones in Zimbabwe and the Zambezi Valley are either tray-shaped, such as the mbira dza vadzimu (fig.12), or have a bell-shaped resonator, such as the nyonganyonga and matepe. A historically-related zone lies to the north of the Zambezi, where the soundboard was often transformed into a fan-shape.

The body is usually carved from a single piece of wood; in many types the bell-shaped resonator is hollowed out from one direction. Andrew Tracey considers the mbira dza vadzimu as a very old, perhaps even the oldest, form of lamellophone among the Shona. In his genealogical table (1972) he distinguished an early type with the bass notes in the right-hand playing area from a later type with the bass notes in the left-hand playing area. The mbira dza vadzimu was used in connection with religious ceremonies for ancestral spirits (vadzimu). The gourd resonator is called deze, a name also often given to the instrument itself. The body is a rectangular ‘tray’, with raised edges and mostly 22 to 23 lamellae, in three ranks. Three fingers are used in playing: the two thumbs and the right-hand index finger. The index finger ‘scratches’ (kukwenya) the rank of treble lamellae on the right in an upward motion from below.

Like other Zimbabwean mbira music, music for the mbira dza vadzimu is constructed on chord sequences between four degrees displaying bi-chords in 4ths or 5ths. Many cycles cover 48 elementary pulses. Today the instrument is usually played in duet, and accompanied by rattles known as hosho. The opening part is called in Shona kushaura (‘start’, ‘lead’); the second part, which combines with the first, is played on a second mbira and called kutsinhira (‘exchange’, ‘sing a refrain’). The vocal part often includes yodelling (kunguridzira in Shona) and ‘singing the bass’ (kuhongera).

There were very few players of this instrument left in the Shona-Karanga-speaking area in the 1930s. From the 1970s onwards its popularity revived, stimulated by the studies of ethnomusicologists and the awakening of national consciousness as part of the struggle for national liberation (chimurenga) in Zimbabwe, but this took place above all in the Shona-Zezuru-speaking area and resulted in a kind of mbira revival music.

Lamellophones are also known to the neighbours of the Shona people. There are three main types among the Ndau: tomboji, mostly played by old people (distributed south of the town of Umtali); danda, a development of the tomboji; and utee, characterized by soft-sounding low notes. Ndau lamellophones differ in tuning and layout from those of the Shona. The most important types of lamellophone among the Chikunda in the Lower Zambezi Valley are the njari huru; among the Korekore, the hera, mana embudzi and nyonganyonga. The nyonganyonga type is called malimba among the Dzimba and Phodzo. On the periphery of this region there is a large type with 15 or 16 tongues and a bell-shaped body, called sasi among the Khokola in the neighbourhood of Lake Chilwa, Malawi.

There is a direct historical link between the Zimbabwe-Zambezi types and the development of small fan-shaped instruments in the Tete area, some of them also having two ranks of tongues, one above the other. On their progress northwards from the 17th century to the 19th, fan-shaped lamellophones were simplified and the number of tongues reduced. Fan-shaped types also spread upstream along the Zambezi river.

Lamellophone, §6: African typology and distribution in the 19th and 20th centuries

(v) Northern Mozambique and the Ruvuma valley.

There are two types of lamellophone in this region. One, called shitata by the Shirima, Lomwe and related populations, and shityatya (or cityatya) by the Makonde, is a board lamellophone with rounded ends to the often narrow, rectangular board, and only seven or eight lamellae (mostly made from old umbrella spokes). The board is fixed over a gourd resonator.

The other type appears to be found only among the Makonde and Mwera. It is one of the strangest lamellophones in Africa, and has aroused great interest among scholars. Margot Dias, following her field-research among the Makonde (1957–9; papers held in the Museu Etnográfico, Lisbon), pursued the type through every museum in Europe. Examples in the Musikinstrumenten-Museum in Munich were analysed closely by M.A. Malamusi, Lidiya Malamusi and Gerhard Kubik. These types, called ulimba or lulimba, are characterized by a number of features. The resonator, carved from a single piece and slightly rounded, has an upwards-tilted top section with an edge shaped somewhat like a roof gable. The resonator is closed at the back by a very close-fitting piece of thin board. All the wooden parts are reddish-brown and highly polished. There are several small holes in the soundboard, arranged in specific, sometimes cruciform patterns. The iron lamellae are relatively wide and carefully filed, with their ends either rounded or slightly pointed. They are immovably hooked into the resonator at the point where the ‘gable’ starts, so that a backrest is unnecessary. The tuning cannot be altered. The layout is V-shaped. Nearly all the instruments are seven-tongued, with a pentatonic tuning. The lowest note is in the middle.

It has been suggested that this type of lamellophone is historically related to metallophones in Indonesia, in particular the saron burang (Kubik and Malamusi, 1985–7). Indonesian gamelans were probably the original source of inspiration of East African trough xylophones, which occur on the Indian Ocean coast among the Zaramo (Tanzania) and the Cuambo of Quelimane (Mozambique) and even in the region of Lake Chilwa and Mount Mulanje (Jones, 2/1971). It is conceivable that the Makonde-Mwera type of lamellophone was inspired by toy or model gamelans seen when they reached the east coast of Africa centuries ago on merchant ships. Certain distinguishing elements were preserved but the metal tongues were turned at right angles (see also Kubik, Berlin, 1999, and Los Angeles, 1999).

Lamellophone, §6: African typology and distribution in the 19th and 20th centuries

(vi) East Africa: Uganda, Tanzania.

The history of the lamellophone in this region, beginning just before the turn of the century, has been reconstructed in every detail, especially in Uganda. Ugandan types derive from the likembe, which first reached the western and north-western area of the country; in the south it was also called Kongo, from its provenance. Alur and Acooli workers adopted the box-resonated lamellophone from the Logo and other intermediary peoples in north-eastern Congo (via the town of Mahagi). In about 1912 they brought it to the Basoga in the area of Jinja in the south, where the Uganda railway was being constructed at that time. Basoga musicians adopted it, but called it by a name in their own language, endongo (lyre), and began to play pieces for embaire (xylophone) on it, eventually giving rise to a new style.

Lamellophones in central Tanzania, such as the ilimba of the Gogo, were inspired by instruments that Nyamwezi traders from eastern Congo had brought to Tabora before the beginning of the 20th century. The layout of the lamellae follows the Gogo tuning system, which derives from the 4th to the 9th partial over a single fundamental, and was developed locally (Kubik, 1994). The presence of a central soundhole in the soundboard, covered with a spider's-web nest-covering in order to create sympathetic resonance, especially with the bass tongues, indicates connections with types of lamellophone in north-east Zambia. The buzzing-rings placed around the lamellae and the box-resonator with a soundhole in the back were probably inspired by the likembe of Congo.

Small lamellophones, mostly called malimba, also spread into south-western Tanzania from Zambia. According to oral tradition the town of Tukuyu became a secondary distribution centre. These types are also distinct from the likembe, in spite of some shared features (box-resonator, soundhole etc.). The chain laid at right angles across the lamellae is characteristic of this type. Among the Kisi, Pangwa, Bena, Nyakyusa and their neighbours, instruments were developed capable of producing prominent ‘wow’ effects by the technique of opening and closing the soundhole at the back of the resonator.

Lamellophone, §6: African typology and distribution in the 19th and 20th centuries

(vii) The West African diaspora.

Most authors agree that lamellophones were not indigenous to the African coast west of the Niger delta but were carried there by African crew members on European ships, just as they were to the New World. There were a number of factors responsible for the development of the West African diaspora. In 1901 Bernhard Ankermann reported the lamellophone among the Kru of Liberia, in an enclave outside the compact distribution area east of the Niger delta. The Kru (‘crew’) are known to have played a crucial role in the diffusion of musical instruments along the Guinea coast through their position as crewmen on European ships. These sailors also adopted instruments that they came across in other parts of Africa. After 1815, the resettlement of slaves (liberated by the British navy from many parts of Africa) also led to the transplantation of elements of musical culture to their new homes in Freetown, Sierra Leone, and Libreville, Gabon. Similarly, the repatriation of African Americans from Brazil after the abolition of slavery there in 1888 led to the reintroduction of an Afro-Caribbean model into West African ports, notably Lagos, Nigeria. One derivative type of lamellophone, the agidigbo, has been prominent since then among the Yoruba. During the 20th century, further diffusionary processes were stimulated by movements along footpaths and roads between neighbouring West African territories under European rule. This was linked with the phenomenon of itinerant workers and migration into urban centres, which created, for example, the Yoruba communities in Accra, Ghana.

A lamellophone used by itinerant workers called a gidigbo has been documented among the Fõ in Togo and the Reepublic of Benin (Kubik, 1989). An oval fish tin serves as resonator and a thin piece of wood is cut to fit it exactly, to act as soundboard. There are only five lamellae (made from old umbrella spokes), fixed to the soundboard by having a strip of tin laid across them, and nails hammered between each one. A straight length of iron wire is forced underneath them to lift the ends ready to play. These pentatonically-tuned tongues are laid out in a V-shape. The gidigbo is played in an unusual position: it is held ‘upside down’, pinned vertically between the player's knees with the soundboard facing away from the player and the free ends of the lamellae pointing upwards so that they may be plucked with the index fingers. There is an alternative position, with the instrument still held ‘upside down’ but turned in such a way that the thumbs can reach the soundboard from above. Similar playing positions occur in Sierra Leone.

The existence of identical names for lamellophones among the Fõ and the Yoruba is significant, although they refer to different types. According to Valentine Ojo (Kubik, 1989), gidigbo in Yoruba means ‘wrestling match’, and came to be applied to lamellophones because they were used to accompany such fights. Technologically the agidigbo is analogous to the Fõ instrument, but a large crate (usually a soapbox) forms the resonator and the lamellae are made from broad pieces of metal, such as the remnants of old, thin sawblades. The shape of the soundhole in the lid is very reminiscent of the Caribbean marimbula, but also, ultimately, of shapes found in numerous lamellophones of the Cameroon grasslands.

Since the 1970s there has been an increasing tendency to equip the Yoruba agidigbo with a pickup and an electric amplifier: this is the case with many àpàla music groups and also in Juju music.

Lamellophone

7. Latin America.

During the 19th century lamellophones were taken by African slaves to various parts of the New World. Ewbank reported its great popularity among Africans in Rio de Janeiro in 1856 and described a calabash-resonated instrument. The instrument has also been reported in Louisiana and as far south as Montevideo, Uruguay, where in the 1950s it was still known as quisanche, which is the cisanji of southern central Africa. Variants of the name ‘marimba’ (e.g. malimba, marímbula) have been reported in the Caribbean; there the instrument is still popular, whereas in South America it appears to be obsolescent.

Ortiz’s survey (1952–5) of Afro-Cuban instruments mentions the small type, commonly held in the lap of seated performers. But by the 1970s the large box-resonated instrument, the size and shape of a small suitcase, was apparently much more popular. Thompson (1971) described its manufacture and use in the Caribbean area in some detail. He reported that in Haiti and Dominica the instruments usually have three or four steel tongues, whereas in Cuba and Puerto Rico they have ten or more, now often made from knifeblades. The player sits on the instrument, reaching down to sound the keys with the fingers of one hand while beating out sometimes complex rhythms on the sides and front of the box with the other hand.

In Jamaica, where it is known as the ‘rumba-box’, the instrument is also used in the ensembles of religious groups such as the Rastafarians. Like the prempensua in Ghana it serves to replace drums.

Western percussion manufacturers such as the German firm Kolberg make a lamellophone called a ‘marimbula’ with a two-octave compass (cc''). This has been adopted by composers such as Henze (Violin Concerto no.2, 1971; Tristan, 1972–3; Voices, 1973) and Thomas Adès (The Origin of the Harp, 1994).

See also Marimba, §1.

Lamellophone

BIBLIOGRAPHY

J. dos Santos: Ethiopia Oriental e varia historia de cousas notaveis do Oriente (Evora, 1609); ed. L Cordeiro, i (Lisbon, 1891/R); ii (1892)

F. Bonanni: Gabinetto armonico (Rome, 1722/R, rev. and enlarged 2/1776/R by G. Ceruti with plates by A. van Westerhout; Eng. trans., 1969)

T. Ewbank: Life in Brazil (London, 1856), 111f

D. and C. Livingstone: Narrative of an Expedition to Zambesi and its Tributaries; and of the Discovery of the Lakes Shirwa and Nyassa 1858–64 (London, 1865/R, 2/1866)

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