Gallican chant.

The composite of traditions of monophonic liturgical music used in the churches of Gaul before the imposition of ‘Roman’ chant by the Carolingian kings Pippin (reigned 751–68) and Charlemagne (768–814). Although the music of the Gallican rite was almost completely suppressed before the appearance of notation in the 9th century, remnants of this tradition, though heterogeneous in style, are thought to survive in the Gregorian repertory and elsewhere. The term ‘Gallican’ is also occasionally used in the sense ‘non-Roman’, so that ‘Gallican chant’ may mean, in older literature especially, the repertories of the Iberian Peninsula, the Celtic areas and northern Italy (including Milan), as well as of Gaul itself.

1. Introduction.

2. Sources.

3. Problems of identification.

4. Liturgical evidence.

5. Style of the texts.

6. Musical style.

7. The Mass.

8. The Office.

9. Special rites.

10. Psalmody.

11. Hymnody.

12. Antiphons and responsories.

13. ‘Preces’.

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WORKS

BIBLIOGRAPHY

MICHEL HUGLO (with JANE BELLINGHAM and MARCEL ZIJLSTRA)

Gallican chant

1. Introduction.

The 5th century was a period of considerable importance in the history of medieval Gaul and in particular for the Gallican Church. The end of this century saw the establishment of Frankish rule in Gaul by Clovis (d 511), first of the Merovingian kings, who converted to Christianity in 496. The Franks eventually extended their kingdom to a territory covering, roughly, modern France, Switzerland, the Low Countries, and Germany west of the Rhine, an area (commonly known as Francia) that later formed the core of the Carolingian empire. The early Merovingian kings inherited the ecclesiastical traditions and liturgical forms of the Gallo-Roman population, which was mostly centred in what is now southern France and which, by the mid-5th century, was solidly Catholic. From this population comes the earliest evidence of the Gallican liturgy.

The first indication of a liturgy in Gaul distinct from the liturgies of other Western Churches occurs in a letter, dated 416, by Pope Innocent I to Bishop Decentius of Gubbio (PL, xx, 551–2), in which the pope called for the Churches of Italy, Gaul, Spain and North Africa to celebrate the liturgy in accordance with the rite of Rome. From the 5th century also come several references to the composition of liturgical texts by Gaulish clerics, such as Claudianus Mamertus, Bishop of Vienne (d c475), and his nephew Sidonius Apollinaris (d c480), and Musaeus of Marseilles (d c460), who is known to have compiled a lectionary for the liturgical year, a sacramentary and a responsorial with series of chants and psalms (‘psalmorumque serie et cantatione’); this last text is the earliest known reference to a chant book in the Western Church (Gennadius of Marseilles, PL, lviii, 1104). None of their liturgical works, however, survives. Several other literary sources written between the 5th century and the first half of the 9th bear witness to the unique character of the Gallican rite and its music. Augustine of Canterbury, for example, in a letter to Gregory the Great (Bede, Historia ecclesiastica, i.27), remarked on the differences between the worship in the churches of ‘Gallia’ and those of Rome. Walahfrid Strabo, writing in about 829 (i.e. after the introduction of ‘Roman’ chant into Francia), said that ‘many people claim that they can distinguish between Roman and other chants by both words and melody’ (‘plerisque et verbis et sono a ceteris cantibus discernere posse fatentur’, De exordiis, chap.22).

Evidence for the nature and content of the Gallican liturgy survives in a number of liturgical books, primarily sacramentaries and lectionaries, and in several other contemporary literary sources; there are no extant Gallican chant books. When compared with sources concerning, for example, the Roman and Ambrosian (Milanese) Churches, such texts clearly confirm that the liturgical usage and literary style of the Gallican rite was markedly distinct. However, they also reveal that considerable variation existed within the Gallican Church itself, for individual ecclesiastical provinces and even individual dioceses had their own local forms of worship. For example, the Use of Auxerre, as reflected in the collection of masses published by Mone (1850), differed in its choice of formularies, though scarcely in the form or order of the chants, from that of Autun in the Missale gothicum. Thus, unlike the Roman, Mozarabic and Ambrosian liturgies, the Gallican was not homogeneous, although it shared a group of particular practices in the celebration of the Mass, Divine Office and other special rites (on the character of the Gallican liturgy see Hen, 1996).

This lack of homogeneity, which is also apparent in the Celtic Church (see Celtic chant), may be explained by the absence of any central ecclesiastical authority in Merovingian Gaul and of any need or desire for uniformity in the rite (beyond the fundamental elements of worship) before the liturgical and ecclesiastical reforms instituted by the Carolingians in the latter half of the 8th century. The individuality of Gallican liturgical traditions may partly account for the evident willingness of the Church to adopt elements from other rites. For example, in the Bobbio Missal, probably from Burgundy or north Italy, there are Spanish influences, especially in the litany-like preces for Holy Saturday; the Roman Church itself influenced the Gallican rite, particularly in the literary style of the prayers (see Vogel, 1960) and to some extent in the structure of the liturgy; chants were borrowed from Milan at Lyons and in south-east Gaul (Provence), and vice versa. Similarly, the many exchanges between the Celtic and continental liturgies left traces in both Francia and Rome. In the 7th and 8th centuries Celtic missionaries went to the Continent taking with them liturgical books, some of which were left there (e.g. the antiphoner F-Pn n.a.lat.1628; see Morin, 1905), in Germany (e.g. the fragments in CH-SGs 1395, or the Echternach manuscript, F-Pn lat.9488) and in north Italy (the Bangor Antiphonary at Bobbio).

Even the Eastern Churches exerted an influence; indeed, the Gallican liturgy is characterized by chants and practices of eastern Mediterranean origin, among them the diaconal litany, the exclamation ‘Sancta sanctis’ (‘Ta hagia tois hagiois’), the Trisagion and the Cheroubikon (see Quasten, 1943). At the time of St Caesarius (d 542) chants were sung at Arles in both Greek and Latin. Some Gaulish churches, such as the basilica at Arles, incorporated an altar of the prothesis (proskomidē), that is, an altar for the ‘setting forth’ (preparation) of the oblation, as in the Eastern Churches; during the offertory there was a solemn procession from this altar to the high altar while the choir sang the Cheroubikon or another chant of Eastern origin (see Mâle, 1950). These non-Western influences were more marked at Arles at the time of St Caesarius, and at Marseilles, than at Autun.

The celebration of the Gallican rite and its music came to an end in Francia with the wide-ranging Carolingian ecclesiastical reforms, which demanded the adoption of the Roman liturgy and its chant throughout the Frankish Church. The Admonitio generalis issued by Charlemagne in 789 ordered that all the clergy should ‘learn the Roman chant thoroughly … in conformity with what King Pippin strove to bring to pass when he abolished the Gallican chant for the sake of unanimity with the Apostolic See’. The only known evidence of opposition to such reforms may be found in the strongly pro-Roman Ordo romanus XVI (Andrieu’s numbering) and an anonymous 8th-century work (Ratio de cursus) tracing the origin of the Gallican Divine Office and its ‘modulatio’ (ed. Hallinger, 1963, i, 77–91). During the late 8th century and the early 9th the cantors and clergy of the Gallican Church had to learn not only new liturgical texts but new ways of chanting them. This process is recorded in the writings of some contemporaries, notably Walahfrid Strabo and Hilduin, abbot of St Denis, who observed in a letter (c835) that the abbey owned several Mass books containing the ordo of the Gallican rite, and that these would need to be recast to conform to the Roman tradition (MGH, Epistolae karolini aevi, iii, Berlin, 1899, p.330). Aurelian of Réôme (fl 840s) also commented on the difference in the way older cantors sang particular chants compared with their younger contemporaries (see below, §7).

Considerable evidence exists to suggest that the reform of the chant melodies was in many ways imperfect, and that the ‘Roman’ chant performed by the Franks differed consistently from that sung in Rome itself (see Old Roman chant, and Plainchant, §2(ii)). This Frankish version of the Roman repertory is generally known as ‘Gregorian’ and is that preserved in the notated manuscripts copied north of the Alps. By the end of the 9th century the Gregorian tradition was fully established throughout the Frankish lands and little obvious trace of its Gallican predecessor remained; when Charles the Bald wanted to hear Gallican chant he had to send to Toledo in Spain for singers who could perform it (see Levy, 1984, p.50). Yet it is clear that some elements of Gallican music were preserved during the centuries after the Carolingian reform. The Roman Office chants, in particular, on their introduction into the liturgico-musical centres of the Frankish realm, were adapted in some way to the Frankish style of singing (Zijlstra, 1997, pp.31–67), and other vestiges of what may be Gallican practice are generally thought to survive in melodic features such as the preference for two reciting notes in psalmody, the importance of melismatic chants and the use of certain expressive effects. The difficulties involved in trying to identify musical characteristics with certainty, however, has occupied chant scholars for over a century (some of the problems are mentioned in §3 below). The following account discusses the major sources of the Gallican rite and its chant, and surveys the corpus of melodies that may be of Gallican origin according to their liturgical use.

Gallican chant

2. Sources.

Contemporary literature, stemming from Gaulish ecclesiastical authors, includes the works of Gregory of Tours (d 594), most notably his Decem libri historiarum, which contains many liturgical references, relating particularly to the church of Tours; biographies of Merovingian saints; monastic Rules, which derive principally from southern Gaul; collections of conciliar decrees; poetry, sometimes later pressed into use as hymns; and the Expositio antiquae liturgiae gallicanae, a commentary on the Gallican Mass in the form of two letters, which were previously attributed to St Germanus (d 576), Bishop of Paris. Preserved in a 9th-century manuscript from the Tours area (F-AUT 184), the Expositio is thought to have been written, possibly in Burgundy, in the early 8th century (although some scholars consider it to be a much later, Carolingian work; see Hen, 1995, pp.47–9); it offers valuable evidence of the Gallican liturgy, even though the author’s interest centres mainly on the symbolism of the liturgy.

The eight surviving Gallican liturgical books, mostly dating from the late 7th century or the 8th but containing texts that are much older, are either collections of prayers for the celebrant (sacramentaries and missals) or lectionaries, and their contents reflect the local uses of particular churches or areas; chants are not cited. The sources are as follows: Expositio antiquae liturgiae gallicanae (F-AUT 184, 9th century, from Autun; possibly based on an earlier Merovingian text); Missale gothicum (I-Rvat Reg.lat.317, early 8th century, Burgundy, written for a church in ?Autun; based on an earlier text c690–c710); Missale gallicanum vetus (I-Rvat Pal.lat.439, first half of the 8th century, from ?Luxeuil or ?Chelles; recension of a missal from the late 6th century or early 7th); the Bobbio Missal (F–Pn lat.13246, 8th century, probably from Septimania; formerly thought to be from north Italy; copy of an earlier 6th-century text); Missale francorum (I-Rvat Reg.lat.257, early 8th century, from Poitiers or the Seine valley; based on texts of the 6th and 7th centuries); Missale vetus gelasianum (I-Rvat lat.316, ff.3–245 and F-Pn lat.7193, ff.41–56, copied c750 at Chelles; the text is a Gallicanized version of a 7th-century Roman sacramentary and reflects Frankish traditions of the Paris/Meaux area); ‘Mone masses’ (D-KA Aug.253, 22 palimpsest folios, copied ?760–80, from ?Reichenau; based on a text probably dating from 630–40 and composed for a Burgundian church). A fragmentary antiphoner in Irish script, F-Pn n.a.lat.1628, ff.1–4 (see Morin, 1905), may be relevant, but it cannot be dated precisely and its script and decoration suggest that it was Celtic rather than Gallican (see Salmon, 1944–53, i, p.lxxxvii).

Remnants of the Gallican chant tradition must be sought mainly in the Frankish liturgical books containing the Roman repertory. Some of the chants were eventually adopted in the new liturgy, though not with their original titles; they often seem to have been used for Frankish ceremonies for which there was no Roman equivalent. A parallel may be drawn with the survival of local styles in the diocese of Benevento after the imposition of Gregorian chant there (see Beneventan chant). These Gallican elements are not found in the earliest manuscripts after the Carolingian reform, which are copies of the Roman archetype imposed by Pippin and Charlemagne without additions or modifications. Few chants thought to be Gallican occur in the earlier graduals, whether without notation (e.g. Codex Blandiniensis, B-Br lat.10127–44) or with neumes (e.g. F-CHRm 47, LA 239, CH-SGs 359). But Gallican chants appear more frequently from the 11th century, particularly in manuscripts from St Denis or south-west France (on the survival of Gallican chants at St Denis, see Robertson, 1985, and 1991, pp.261–71). They were added here and there as alternative chants for festivals, or in the less official sections of liturgical books, for example, as processional chants, which at this time were separated from the gradual into a book of their own (the processional). Gallican chants may also appear in tropers, processionals, and some saint’s offices, and were sometimes used in liturgical dramas (W. Elders: ‘Gregorianisches in liturgischen Dramen der Hs. Orléans 201’, AcM, xxxvi, 1964, pp.169–77). They are also found occasionally in the liturgical books of other Western Churches – Ambrosian, Celtic and Mozarabic – and these are useful in drawing comparisons (see §3).

Gallican chant

3. Problems of identification.

The central difficulty facing scholars of Gallican chant is the lack of notated sources. Because no notated Gallican chant book survives (it is unlikely that any were written), evidence must be sought in the noted manuscripts of other repertories – principally the Gregorian, but also the Mozarabic and Ambrosian. This in turn leads to the question of how Gallican chants, or Gallican elements within a chant, may be identified as distinct from the chant tradition into which they have been adopted. Contemporary literature mentioning particular features of Gallican music is sometimes of help in indicating the character of the melodies, but such evidence is almost always lacking in concrete details and hence open to considerable interpretation. The most important means of identification remains the comparison of melodies in notated sources, even though these sources date from a century or more after the Gallican rite was suppressed. It must also be remembered that the identification of a chant text as Gallican does not necessarily mean that the music that accompanies it in notated sources is also of the same origin.

Two separate comparisons are necessary in attempting to identify chants from the early Gallican repertory. First, the earliest Gregorian manuscripts of Mass and Office chants must be examined in order to distinguish the ‘Roman’ repertory imposed in Carolingian times from other chants in the manuscripts. However, a number of these other chants are ‘Romano-Frankish’ rather than Gallican, that is, they are part of the ‘Roman’ repertory composed in the Frankish empire during the 9th century though somewhat different in style from the original Roman repertory. Consequently, comparison is then required between these remaining chants and chants with the same texts in Mozarabic, Ambrosian and Celtic manuscripts. When concordances occur, the area of origin of the chants must be determined. For this, three main criteria are employed (individually or in combination): the evidence of liturgical books and other literary evidence, the literary style of the texts, and the musical style.

The results of such comparative procedures have nevertheless proved generally inconclusive (see, for example, Levy’s 1984 analysis of a group of offertory chants) and hardly permit the construction of a complete inventory of Gallican chants. The original functions of chants that have often been recognized as Gallican frequently resist identification: in the manuscripts they are never given their ancient liturgical titles – sonus, confractorium etc. Moreover, the Gallican Mass and Office must have required a larger repertory of chants than the Roman. The long, ornate antiphons may perhaps have been sung at Mass, or the ‘responsories’ such as Collegerunt (actually an antiphon with verse) may have been used as offertory chants, but firm evidence is lacking.

During the latter decades of the 20th century, a number of other approaches were adopted by scholars. Jean Claire of Solesmes used a method of tonal rather than stylistic analysis to identify the origins of the Gregorian repertory, and concluded that melodies of the Gallican rite may be distinguished from the Roman by their use of a particular ‘modality’. According to his theory, three fundamental ‘modes archaïques’ (Do, Ré, Mi) underlie all Western chants; Gallican Office melodies are characterized by the ‘Ré’ modality, whereas Roman chants are based only on ‘Do’ and ‘Mi’ (see Claire, 1975). The theory has been expanded to include the Mass repertory, not only by Claire himself but also by Philippe Bernard and Olivier Cullin, who have focussed attention on sections of the Roman Mass Proper containing exceptionally large numbers of melodies in the ‘Ré’ mode (e.g. Advent); such chants, they argue, must have been adopted by Rome from the Gallican liturgy at an early date (i.e. the 6th century). Cullin (1993) suggested that only melodies in the 2nd (‘Ré’) mode are of Gallican origin, whereas Bernard (1990–92) claimed that the entire Roman Advent Proper was borrowed from the Gallican liturgy. However, these theories have not found universal acceptance. In particular, there is no evidence to support the assumption that the Gallican rite ever possessed a chant Proper, and the reliability of the Old Roman manuscripts (dating from the 11th–13th centuries) as sources for the chant melodies of 8th- and 9th-century Rome has been questioned. Furthermore, in the absence of notated sources earlier than the 9th century, it is highly unlikely that the music attached to a particular feast in later medieval manuscripts bears much resemblance to the melody sung when that feast was first established in the liturgy.

A different approach was adopted by James McKinnon, who examined the contemporary literary sources concerning the contexts and manner in which Gallican chant was performed before the Carolingian reforms. His argument is based on a distinction (originally articulated by Claire, 1962, pp.231–5) between ‘lector’ chant and ‘schola’ chant. The former is characteristic of the early Christian period and is essentially a soloist’s art whereby a solo singer – often called ‘lector’ in early documents – sings in alternation with the congregation; this type of chant is almost entirely improvised and the repertory is not fixed. ‘Schola’ chant, as the name suggests, is the product of a specialist choir and is characterized by a high degree of organization, in particular through the maintenance of a fixed repertory (i.e. a musical Proper); such chant seems to have developed in Rome from about the mid-7th century with the formation of the Schola Cantorum and is also considered to be typical of the Mozarabic and Ambrosian repertories. In a survey of the literary sources concerning the Gallican Church, McKinnon concluded that the conditions did not exist in Francia before the Carolingian era for the creation of a ‘schola’ repertory; all the evidence suggests that the chants were performed by soloists, that there was no sense of a Proper for either the texts or the music, and that there was no choir or group of singers that could provide the stability necessary for the creation or preservation of a fixed musical repertory. For this reason, he argued, it is implausible that a large number of melodies in the Gregorian repertory could have originally been Gallican (McKinnon, 1995). In other words, one of the most important defining characteristics of the Gallican tradition – its improvised nature – was lost with the imposition by the Carolingians of the largely fixed melodies of the Roman Church; hence even chants within the Gregorian repertory that are generally recognized as being ‘Gallican’ cannot be considered as examples of the genuine pre-Carolingian tradition.

The various theories behind the methods of identifying Gallican chants are closely bound up with the theories concerning the history of Gregorian chant, its relation to the other medieval monophonic traditions, and the differing effects of oral and written means of transmission on a repertory; all of these are the subject of heated debate (see, for example, Hucke, 1980; and Levy, 1987). The history of particular chants and their transmission remains unclear, although with the help of liturgical and historical sources convincing results have been found (see McKinnon, 1992). However, to what extent Gallican chants were retained as part of the Gregorian repertory is still a matter of conjecture.

Gallican chant

4. Liturgical evidence.

Chant incipits in Gallican sacramentaries and lectionaries very occasionally correspond with those of chants in noted Gregorian graduals and antiphoners, but such correspondences are sometimes coincidental. A responsory Probasti mentioned in the Missale gothicum (ed. Bannister, 1917–19, no.398, p.112) and a responsory Exaltent eum cited in the lectionary of Wolfenbüttel (see A. Dold, ed.: Das Sakramentar im Schabcodex M 12, Beuron, 1952, p.14) may not be the Gregorian graduals Probasti and Exaltent; and the responsorium Domine audivi for Good Friday in the Missale gallicanum vetus (ed. Mohlberg, 1929, p.27) is either an interpolated Gregorian chant or a different Gallican chant resembling either the tract Domine audivi or the Ambrosian psalmellus with the same incipit (see Suñol, 1935, p.290).

A similar difficulty arises with the antiphon Sanctus Deus archangelorum, cited in the second letter of the Expositio antiquae liturgiae gallicanae as a substitute for the Benedictus during Lent (ed. Ratcliff, 1971, no.4, p.18). Gastoué (1939) claimed that this was the antiphon Sanctus Deus qui sedes super cherubim (see also B. Stäblein, MGG1, iv, 1306), but his identification seems impossible, not only because the incipit is different but also because the chant is found almost exclusively in Italian manuscripts.

By contrast, certain Gallican elements may be identified in Aquitanian manuscripts with concordances elsewhere. These include the preces for Holy Saturday, in the Bobbio Missal, whose refrain (presa) appears in Aquitanian manuscripts. Three other Gallican preces in Aquitanian manuscripts (Miserere Pater juste, Miserere Domine supplicantibus and Rogamus te Rex seculorum) have textual concordances in Spanish sources (see Huglo, ‘Les preces hispaniques’, 1955, p.361). The antiphon Introeunte te, a Latin translation of a troparion originally from Jerusalem, occurs in Aquitanian processionals and Spanish manuscripts; it was cited in a gradual from Pistoia as ‘antiphonas gallicanas’. There are similar concordances of the Benedicite (see L. Brou: ‘Les benedictiones, ou Cantique des Trois Enfants dans l’ancienne messe espagnole’, Hispania sacra, i, 1948, pp.21–33), the Trisagion (see Stäblein, MGG1, iv, 1303–5) and the antiphon Viri sancti. The Viri sancti is not Gallican, however: a comparison of the texts in the Aquitanian and Spanish versions (see Brou and Vives, 1953, p.186) with the scriptural text (2 Esdras viii.52–5 in the Apocrypha) shows that the Spanish text preceded the Aquitanian.

Some Gallican chants may be identified with the help of evidence from Celtic manuscripts. The Bangor Antiphonary, which was copied at the end of the 7th century and is strongly associated with Bobbio, includes a communion antiphon of Eastern origin, Corpus Domini accepimus (see Baumstark, 3/1953, p.105). This chant occurs as a transitorium at Milan (Suñol, 1935, p.320) and as a confractorium in some north Italian graduals, but the latter include a clause ‘adjutor et defensor …’, which suggests that the chant was not originally Ambrosian (see Huglo, ‘Antifone antiche’, 1955); it probably had its Western origin in the Gallican rite.

The same Celtic manuscript at Bobbio includes the hymn Mediae noctis tempus est, whose melody was identified by Stäblein (1956, p.448, melody 761; see also MGG1, iv, 1323). The melodies of other Celtic confractoria (e.g. in the Stowe Missal) and other hymns may not have survived, although the Maundy antiphon Si ego lavi with the verse ‘Exemplum’ in the Stowe Missal also appears, with the same verse, in certain Aquitanian manuscripts. Usually, however, the verses of antiphons, unnecessary in the Gregorian rite, were simply suppressed or transferred to other contexts by medieval scribes. (See Celtic chant.)

Some Gallican chants occur as Ambrosian chants with Gregorian concordances, such as the antiphon Maria et Martha (Hesbert, 1935/R, no.214), which has the same text as an Ambrosian transitorium (Suñol, 1935, p.226), and the antiphon Insignes praeconiis (Stäblein, MGG1, iv, 1311, cf 1309). The latter was used for the feast of St Denis but had originally been composed for St Maurice; it is still used for St Maurice in the Ambrosian antiphoner (Suñol, 1935, p.536). Another such chant is the preces Dicamus omnes (Stäblein, MGG1, iv, 1313). The antiphon Venite populi, of Gallican origin, is found in some 30 Gregorian manuscripts and in a palimpsest from the 7th or 8th century; it sometimes carries the rubric ‘In fractione’ and occurs as a transitorium at Milan (see Huglo and others, 1956, p.124).

The Palm Sunday processional antiphon Cum audisset, probably of Gallican origin, contains in its text a clause ‘Quantus est iste cui throni et dominationes occurrunt?’, which is found in two other chants, one the Spanish Curbati sunt (Brou and Vives, 1953, p.151) and the other the Ambrosian Curvati sunt (Suñol, 1935, p.246). This borrowing of fragments of text from various sources, or ‘centonization’, is common in Gallican liturgical formulae. Similarly, a Gallican origin may be assumed for the antiphons Post passionem Domini and O crux benedicta quae sola, which have concordances in the Ambrosian antiphoner (Suñol, 1935, pp.218, 274; cf G.M. Suñol, ed.: Liber vesperalis juxta ritum sanctae ecclesiae mediolanensis, Rome, 1939, p.356).

The Ambrosian alleluias offer evidence relevant to the Gallican alleluias. In the Ambrosian rite, as in the Gregorian, the alleluias are followed by verses, but the initial alleluias are not always repeated as they would be in the Gregorian rite. Instead, longer alleluias – melodiae primae – are sung, resembling the initial alleluias only in their incipits; and these were formerly followed by even longer melodiae secundae (not in modern editions of Ambrosian chant). There were thus three alleluias in increasing order of length, all with the same incipits but otherwise similar only in tonality (Stäblein, MGG1, iv, 1316; cf MGG1, i, 337). One of these melismatic melodies was styled ‘alleluia francigena’ at Milan (Stäblein, MGG1, i, 339); and melodiae longissimae, analogous to the Milanese melodiae, began to appear in the late 8th century in Francia under the name sequentia (Hesbert, 1935/R, no.199a, MS B; see also Sequence (i)). In northern France and at St Gallen they were sung in about 830 (ed. Hughes, 1934/R); and at Cluny these long wordless melismas were sung as late as the 11th century: an 11th-century gradual terms them melodiae annuales (F-Pn lat.1087, f.108) and the melismas gallicana neuma (Udalric: Consuetudines cluniacenses: PL, cxlix, 666).

The melismatic melodies edited by Bannister and Hughes (see Hughes, 1934/R) probably represent a part of the Gallican repertory, though with some modifications to bring them into conformity with Gregorian chant. The Gallican alleluias were probably sung in a threefold form at Mass as well as in the alleluiaticus of the Office (‘habet ipsa alleluia prima et secunda et tertia’; see Ratcliff, 1971, p.13, no.20).

The melodiae of the alleluias are also relevant to a consideration of the Christmas responsory Descendit de caelis, which has a long melisma at ‘fabricae mundi’ (noted by Amalarius of Metz in about 830 in his Liber de ordine antiphonarii; ed. J.M. Hanssens, Vatican City, 1950, pp.55–6) and another melisma in the verse at ‘tamquam’ identical to the melisma, or neuma triplex, of the responsory In medio ecclesiae (also mentioned by Amalarius, ibid., 54). The structure of these melismas resembles that of the melodiae of Ambrosian responsories.

A chant of Gallican origin with a Mozarabic parallel is the offertory of St Stephen, Elegerunt apostoli, in the León Antiphoner. This chant gradually superseded the offertory In virtute in the Gregorian tradition (see Hesbert, 1935/R, no.12). Its earliest known occurrence is in a manuscript from St Denis (ibid., no.148bis, MS ‘S’), and it is found even today in the Graduale romanum (p.634). It is possible that other offertories whose texts are similar or identical to Mozarabic sacrificia (the Mozarabic equivalent of the offertory) may also have retained some Gallican musical features (see Levy, 1984).

Liturgical and textual evidence proves that two of the chants of Holy Saturday are Gallican: the Exultet and the hymn Inventor rutili. These should have disappeared when the Roman rite was introduced into Francia but were retained, probably because the Roman Easter Vigil seemed too austere to the Franks. There are difficulties, however, in reconstructing any ‘original’ Gallican melody of the Exultet from the various recitatives that survive (see G. Benoit-Castelli: ‘Le Praeconium paschale’, Ephemerides liturgicae, lxvii, 1953, pp.309–34). In Gallican sacramentaries the Exultet ends with a collect (prayer); this is followed by a second, styled post hymnum cerei (‘after the hymn of the [Paschal] candle’). The hymn in question is in fact Inventor rutili, whose text was composed by Prudentius; it was probably a part of the daily Gallican Office of Lucernarium and survives in many Gaulish and German manuscripts as a part of the solemn Lucernarium for the Easter Vigil (ed. G.M. Dreves, AH, l, 1907, p.30; melody in Stäblein, 1956, no.1001; see also Combe, 1952, p.128).

Further liturgical comparisons may be made with those Ordines romani that include Gallican material; with the exception of Ordo I, all the Ordines are of Frankish composition and, for the most part, present a mixture of Roman and Frankish elements. The 8th-century Ordo XV (Andrieu’s numbering), for example, specifies for the Requiem Mass the introit Donet nobis requiem (see Andrieu, 1931–61, iii, 127). This introit, which appears in many Aquitanian manuscripts, including that of Albi (F-Pn lat.776), is probably Gallican (melody ed. C. Gay, ‘Formulaires anciens pour la Messe des défunts’, EG, ii, 1957, pp.83–129, esp. 91, 128).

Gallican chant

5. Style of the texts.

A distinct vocabulary and style characterizes the texts of the Gallican liturgy. The style of the Roman collects and prefaces is rigorously precise in theological formulation and concise in vocabulary: prayer is always addressed to the Father through the Son, and petitions are concisely expressed. By contrast, Gallican prayers develop various aspects of a theme, with an accumulation of rhetorical figures such as repetitions, redundancies, antitheses and metaphors; and the rich and colourful vocabulary contrasts strongly with that of the Roman liturgy (see Manz, 1941). Gallican prayers are introduced with an admonition (praefatio) announcing the theme; these occur at Rome only before the solemn prayers of the Good Friday liturgy. Prayers in the Gallican rite were frequently addressed to the Son and Holy Spirit.

Some conventional rhetorical phrases are characteristically Gallican: the gospels in the Gallican lectionaries generally begin ‘In diebus illis’ or ‘Diebus illis’, rather than ‘In illo tempore’, the Roman formula. For this reason the antiphon In diebus illis mulier may be taken to be Gallican; it is prescribed for St Mary Magdalene (22 July) in some late antiphoners (see Hesbert, 1965, ii, nos.102, 146, 4), but more frequently for Maundy Thursday (see Hesbert, 1963, i, nos.72c, 147, and in some Aquitanian manuscripts), and it was probably originally part of the Holy Week liturgy in Gaul.

Another such conventional formula is ‘Dominus Jesus’, in the Milanese and Gallican lectionaries (see Salmon, 1944–53, p.lxxxviii). Chants including this phrase may have a Gallican origin, for example, the antiphon Cena facta est sciens Dominus Jesus found in Aquitanian manuscripts. The antiphon for the Dedication of a Church, Pax eterna, also begins with a characteristically Gallican phrase (see Manz, 1941, no.700).

In biblical texts there are characteristic divergences from the Vulgate version, for example, in the alleluia with the verse ‘Multifarie’, which is not identical to its Gregorian counterpart and whose reading is reproduced precisely in the lectionary of Luxeuil (ed. Salmon, 1944–53, p.9). Some of the Maundy (mandatum) chants follow the ancient Latin biblical text used in Gaul (ed. A. Dold, Das Sakramentar im Schabcodex M 12, Beuron, 1952, p.25); the 11th-century scribe who copied the antiphon Cena facta into the Albi manuscript (F-Pn lat.776, f.62) wrote ‘Venit ergo’ under the influence of the Vulgate version, but a contemporary hand restored the Gallican reading, ‘autem’.

Textual analysis of the Aquitanian chant manuscripts, especially F-Pn lat.776 from Albi, would probably reveal further chants of Gallican origin. (On the Gallican Psalter, see §8 below.)

Gallican chant

6. Musical style.

Walahfrid Strabo spoke of the distinctive style, in both text and sound, of Gallican chants (see quotation in §1 above); and the chants identifiable according to textual criteria exhibit certain musical peculiarities, in intonation formulae, in melismas and cadences and in the use of distinctive neumes. However, these criteria cannot be used in isolation to identify Gallican chants; after the imposition of the Gregorian repertory in Francia, chant composition continued for a time along traditional lines. Thus a distinction between the older Gallican repertory and chants composed shortly after the Carolingian reform cannot be made on purely musical grounds.

At a second intonation, following an intermediate cadence, the pattern shown in ex.1 is possibly a Gallican characteristic; another characteristic may be the use of sequential patterns for a descent (ex.2).

The greater antiphons often feature exuberant melismas, like those in Ambrosian and Mozarabic chant, and in this they differ markedly from the Gregorian repertory. In melismatic chants a longer or shorter melisma generally occurs on the penultimate or antepenultimate syllable; if the final word is ‘alleluia’, it is the antepenultimate syllable rather than the first or last ‘a’ that carries the melisma, as in Mozarabic chant (see L. Brou: ‘L’alleluia dans la liturgie mozarabe’, AnM, vi, 1951, pp.3–90). These final melismas occur in the following chants, otherwise identified as Gallican: Elegerunt, Venite populi, O crux benedicta quae, Cum Rex gloriae (in which the melisma contains more than 80 notes) and Factus est repente.

A distinctive neume, the pes stratus, occurs only in chants composed in Francia (whether Gallican or Romano-Frankish). It is a pes (podatus) in which the second note carries an oriscus as well (ex.3), and it usually occurs during a melisma or at intermediate cadences (e.g. in the extended jubilus melisma sung in the repetition of the alleluia after the verse). The neume indicates an interval of a major 2nd or minor 3rd (see illustration) and is found in the following chants, which may be of Gallican origin: O crux benedicta (at ‘alleluia’), Cum audisset (at ‘sedens’ and ‘salve’), Ave rex noster (at ‘et’), Collegerunt (at ‘ab’), Elegerunt (at ‘-gerunt’ and ‘plenum’) and Factus est repente(at ‘replevit’, twice; this offertory, in the late 8th-century B-Br lat.10127–44, occurs also in nine Beneventan manuscripts; see Hesbert, 1963, p.62).

The formulaic method of composition known as Centonizationis another feature thought to be characteristic of the old Gallican repertory, as of the other ancient repertories. In the antiphons Cum audisset and Ave Rex noster, for instance, the passages in which the pes stratus occurs are musically virtually identical; a passage in the Maundy antiphon Vos vocatis me with the verse ‘Surgit’ is also found, note for note, in an antiphon Gentem of the ancient Office of St Remigius (ex.4). Identical phrases occur also in the antiphons Salvator omnium and Hodie illuxit nobis (Stäblein, MGG1, iv, 1311). The chant Elegerunt and the offertory Factus est repente share the same intonation, and the final alleluia of Factus est repente resembles the alleluia of the antiphon Venite populi.

Gallican chant

7. The Mass.

The structure of the Gallican Mass and the nature of its chants can to some extent be reconstructed from information in a variety of sources, especially the first of the two letters of the Expositio antiquae liturgiae gallicanae(ed. Ratcliff, 1971). The items from the Mass are listed below in their liturgical order.

(i) Antiphona ad praelegendum.

This chant preceded the lections; it is found (with the same name and function) in the Spanish liturgy. Like its Roman counterpart, the introit, but unlike the equivalent Ambrosian ingressa, it included psalm verses: the verses ad repetendum in some ancient Gregorian graduals from north France may be of Gallican origin.

(ii) Call for silence.

A recitative for this type of diaconal admonition occurs in a processional from St Peter at Cologne (D-KNa G A 89b (anc.W.105), f.7v; cf RISM, B/XIV/1, 217; see ex.5). According to the Expositio, this enabled the congregation better to hear the word of God (‘ut tacens populus melius audiat verbum Dei’; ed. Ratcliff, 1971, p.3, no.2). The call for silence was followed by the greeting ‘Dominus sit semper vobiscum’ and the answer ‘Et cum spiritu tuo’, and the collect.

(iii) Aius (Trisagion).

The term ‘aius’ is a corruption of ‘hagios’ (Gk.: ‘holy’): the letter ‘g’ was dropped, as occurred also in the tonal formula noeais, for noeagis. The chant was intoned by the priest and continued by the choir in Greek and Latin (‘dicens latinum cum greco’); it was followed by the Kyrie eleison, which was probably not sung, but recited by three boys in unison (‘uno ore’) as at Milan. The Trisagion was mistakenly written as ‘Trecanum’ in F-AUT 184 (see Bernard, ‘La “Liturgie de la victoire”’, 1996).

(iv) Benedictus (Prophetia).

This, the Canticle of Zechariah (Luke i.68–79), was probably intoned by the priest (Gregory of Tours, Decem libri historiarium, viii, 7: MGH, Scriptores rerum merovingiarum, i, 1951/R, 330). The Benedictus was replaced during Lent by the antiphon Sanctus Deus archangelorum (see Ratcliff, 1971, p.18, no.4). It was followed by a collect (collectio post prophetiam).

(v) Hymnus trium puerorum (Benedictiones, Benedicite).

The synaxis proper began with three readings; the position of this canticle is not clear from the Expositio (Ratcliff, 1971, p.5, no.6), but it probably separated the first two readings, the lectio prophetica (from the Old Testament) and the lectio ex apostolo (drawn not only from the epistles but also from Acts, Revelation and even the martyrology, according to the festival).

(vi) Responsorium.

This chant was probably ornate and was sung by boys (‘a parvulis canitur’); in the latter feature it recalls the responsories cum infantibus of the Ambrosian rite. It replaced an ancient psalmus responsorius, sung by a deacon, with the congregation singing a brief responsorium after each verse (Gregory of Tours, op.cit., 328, cf 694).

(vii) Antiphona ante evangelium.

This antiphon was sung during the procession of the deacon to the ambo from which the Gospel was read, and was followed by the chanting of the Gospel by the deacon. The Ambrosian rite provides antiphons of this type for Christmas, Epiphany and Easter, but at no other time; there is, however, a complete series of Ambrosian antiphons to follow the Gospel (post evangelium).

(viii) Sanctus post evangelium.

During the return of the Gospel procession from the ambo, the Sanctus was sung by the clerics in Latin. Although a passage in the early 7th-century vita of St Gaugericus, Bishop of Cambrai, suggests that Greek was used (‘aius, aius, aius per trinum numerum imposuit’: ed. in Analecta bollandiana, vii, 1888, p.393), the reference here may be to the earlier Trisagion (see §7(iii) above) or to the Sanctus after the Preface (see §7(xii) below). This chant was followed by the reading of a patristic homily.

(ix) Preces.

Numerous Gallican preces survive in Aquitanian manuscripts. They take the form of a litany in which a deacon chants numerous supplications for the spiritual and temporal needs of the people, and each is followed by a short congregational response, ‘Domine miserere’, ‘Kyrie eleison’, ‘Dona nobis veniam’ etc. (see §13 below).

(x) Dismissal of the catechumens.

A melody for this item, chanted by the deacon, survives in D-KNa G A 89b (see ex.6). Ordo XV, a Gallicanized Roman ceremonial written in Francia in the 8th century, has a text varying slightly from this.

(xi) Sonus.

This ornate chant (‘dulci melodia’) was sung during the solemn Procession of the Oblations from the altar of the prothesis (proskomidē) to the high altar. The Expositio expounded its symbolism at length (ed. Ratcliff, 1971, p.10, no.17). The sonus was equated with the Roman offertory by the Capitulare ecclesiastici ordinis (‘offerenda quod Franci dicunt sonum’; see Andrieu, 1931–61, iii, 123) It concluded with a triple alleluia, except during Lent.

(xii) Sanctus.

After the immolatio missae (contestatio), corresponding to the Preface in the Roman Mass, which was chanted by the priest, the Sanctus followed. It was adopted even though it interrupts to some extent the continuity of the Consecration Prayer, and even though a Sanctus occurred earlier in the Gallican Mass; and it was followed by a transitional prayer, beginning ‘Vere sanctus’.

(xiii) Fraction antiphon.

In Francia the Fraction occurred before rather than after the Lord’s Prayer (see Ratcliff, 1971, p.15, no.24b), and an antiphon was sung by the clerics. In Spain and at Milan this was termed the confractorium. There are frequent concordances between Ambrosian confractoria and Roman communions. On the other hand, Ambrosian transitoria, which are equivalent in liturgical function to the Roman communions, are often drawn rather from oriental or Gallican Fraction chants.

(xiv) Pater noster.

In Gaul, North Africa and Spain, this was sung by the whole congregation.

(xv) Episcopal benediction.

A solemn benediction was pronounced by the bishop; the formula was shortened if the celebrant was simply a priest (see Ratcliff, 1971, p.15, no.26). After the Council of Agde (506) the faithful were not permitted to leave the church before this benediction. It was preceded by a preliminary admonition from the deacon, ‘Humiliate vos ad benedictionem’ (melody, from a Soissons manuscript, in Stäblein, MGG1, iv, 1318; melody in ex.7, from a Cluniac manuscript from St Martin-des-Champs, F-Pn lat.17716, f.14, in Hesbert, 1956, p.217). The verses of the benediction were then chanted by the bishop, with the response ‘Amen’ from the congregation (melody in Hesbert, 1956, p.216–17). This practice survived in many churches until a late date.

Gallican chant

8. The Office.

Evidence relating to the Gallican Divine Office is much more scarce than that for the Mass. Practice varied from church to church, for example, in the ordering of the Psalter and in the number and choice of antiphons and responsories; until the reforms of the early 9th century, monastic communitites generally composed their own regula and cursus. Most of the surviving evidence concerns the Offices celebrated at Tours, the monasteries of south-east France, including Lérins, and St Maurice at Agaune in the Burgundian Kingdom, where the monks were committed to singing the Office uninterruptedly, according to the practice known as laus perennis (see Gindele, 1959). In addition, several regulae incorporating a cursus survive from the monasteries established in Burgundy by the Irish monk Columbanus from 590, who exerted a considerable influence on monasticism in Gaul. Columbanus’s own Regula was particularly ascetic and his followers often combined it with the Regula Benedicti. In the early 9th century, however, religious communities were required to follow either the Regula Benedicti or the secular ‘Roman’ cursus.

In broad outline the Divine Office of the Frankish and German cathedrals resembled that of other regions. There was a night Office, divided into various nocturns, with a hymn, psalms and lessons. According to Amalarius of Metz, writing in the first half of the 9th century, the Pater noster was sung at the end of each nocturn. The psalms, and after the Council of Narbonne in 589 (canon 2) also the sections of longer psalms, concluded with the Lesser Doxology, Gloria Patri, to which the phrase ‘Sicut erat’ was added at the Second Council of Vaison (529); churches near Spain adopted the distinctive Spanish doxology, ‘Gloria et honor Patri et Filio et Spiritui Sancto in secula seculorum’ (see Ward, 1935, p.73). Some of the lessons for the night Office are indicated in the Lectionary of Luxeuil (see Salmon, 1944–53, ix, 57). The Te Deum, a hymn of Gallican origin, was sung at the night Office on Sundays and festivals (see Kähler, 1958).

The dawn Office included psalms and biblical canticles. From the 6th century, the Benedicite and the alleluiaticum (i.e. Psalms cxlviii–cl) were recited at this Office on Sundays (Gregory of Tours, De vitis patrum, vii: MGH, Scriptores rerum merovingiarum, i, 1951/R, 685). The Gloria in excelsis (Greater Doxology) was sung at Lauds in Gaul and Spain, and at Milan; it was not a part of the Mass.

The day Hours (Prime, Terce, Sext and None) included one hymn each and psalms. Lucernarium (at the ‘lighting of lamps’, i.e. at sunset) included a greater responsory, as in the Ambrosian and Spanish rites, and a metrical hymn when these were admitted. In cathedrals, Lucernarium ended with an episcopal benediction. The sequence of Offices concluded with Vespers and Compline (Duodecima).

The chants of the Gallican Offices thus resemble those of other regions: they comprise psalms, antiphons with verses, lessons, greater responsories and (in most churches) hymns.

Local liturgical variants appear in a number of areas. The ancient Gallican psalters (e.g. the Psalterium corbeiense, the Psalterium sangermanense and the psalters of Reichenau; see Capelle, 1925) differ in text from the Italic versions (see liturgical Psalter), and their list of Lauds canticles is different from that of Rome (see Schneider, 1949, p.483). Similarly, the Tours antiphoner differs from that of Marseilles (see Leclercq, 1924, col.588), and that of Toulouse differs from those of Autun and Paris.

Metrical hymns were composed in Italy and Gaul from the late 4th century. Although in the Carolingian era some churches, such as those of Lyons and Vienne, are known to have excluded hymnody (as Walahfrid Strabo commented: ‘in some churches metrical hymns [hymni metrici] are not sung’) on the grounds that the texts were non-biblical, in general hymn singing seems to have been a popular aspect of the Gallican liturgy, and various influences may be noted. In south-east France the hymnal of Milan exerted an influence: Bishop Faustus of Riez (fl 5th century) noted that the hymn Veni Redemptor gentium was sung almost throughout Gaul (Epistola ad graecum diac; ed. A. Engelbrecht, Fausti Reiensis Praeter sermones pseudo-eusebianos opera, Vienna, 1891, p.203); and St Caesarius of Arles (d 543) in his Regula ad virgines (ed. G. Morin, S. Caesarii Arelatensi episcopi Regula sanctarum virginum, Cologne, 1932, p.23) prescribed the hymn Christe qui lux es et dies for Compline; as a means of retaining the attention of the laity, Caesarius also introduced hymns into the celebration of Mass. The Irish hymnal exerted an influence in an area limited mainly to Francia north of the Loire and Germany (see preface to AH, lii, Leipzig, 1909); and there was Spanish influence in south-west Gaul (see Wagner, 1928). For the repertory of known Gallican hymns see §11 below.

Gallican chant

9. Special rites.

The Gallican rite had a richer repertory of special rites than the Roman. A solemn translation of relics, accompanied by chants, was prescribed at the Dedication of a Church. At baptisms the feet of the neophytes were washed while chants from the Maundy Thursday liturgy were sung: this ceremony was distinctly non-Roman (see Schäfer, 1956). At Extreme Unction the priest chanted antiphons while administering the rites, a practice also common to Spain.

Processions were instituted by Claudianus Mamertus, Bishop of Vienne (d c475), on Rogation days (the three days before Ascension Day). These were adopted in the Ambrosian and Spanish rites, but not until a later date at Rome because a similar processional litany was instituted there on 25 April. Gallican processions were long and must have required more chants (antiphons and litanies) than the Roman processions; some of these Gallican chants survived well into the Middle Ages. (See Processional.)

Gallican chant

10. Psalmody.

In Gaul, as throughout Western Christendom, the psalms were originally sung responsorially: a lector, or a psalmist belonging (according to the canons of the late 5th-century Statuta ecclesiae antiqua of southern Gaul) to the lesser clergy, would recite the psalm, and the congregation would sing a short refrain (responsorium) to a very simple melody after each verse or pair of verses. The responsorium might be drawn from the psalm itself, or other brief responses such as ‘alleluia’ might be used. Responsoria of this type, indicated by an initial ‘R’ in gold, occur in the Gallican Psalterium sangermanense (F-Pn lat.11947); an alleluia written in gold should be considered a responsorium: for Psalm xliv the responsorium was ‘Adferentur regi virgines postea’; for Psalm l ‘Asperges me hyssopo et mundabor’; for Psalm lvi ‘Paratum cor meum Deus’; and for Psalm cix ‘Juravit Dominus nec penitebit eum’. (For a list of responsoria, see Huglo, 1982.)

Responsorial psalmody of this type was replaced in Francia by antiphonal psalmody, but hardly any psalmody different from the Gregorian survives. It is not known whether a melodic variation occurred at the mediation, midway through each verse, or whether this mediation was reduced to a simple pause on the reciting note, as in Ambrosian or Mozarabic psalmody, because the surviving evidence may have been ‘corrected’ according to Gregorian procedure. (In the 16th century the mediation was adopted in this way in the Ambrosian rite in direct imitation of Roman practice.)

Psalm tones that seem to be of Gallican origin are shown in ex.8. The first two occur in the Commemoratio brevis (GerbertS, i, 213–14; Bailey, 1979), an anonymous treatise of Benedictine origin composed in the late 9th century in the area between the Seine and Rhine. Besides the usual eight Gregorian psalm tones, two special tones are given for antiphonal psalmody. One is the tonus peregrinus (‘wandering tone’), so named in the 12th century because it included two reciting notes and was foreign to the Gregorian system of eight tones (in which only one reciting note is found in each tone). This tone was mentioned by Aurelian of Réôme (fl 840s) in his Musica disciplina: ‘quemadmodum ab antiquis, ita a modernis modo canuntur’ (‘as it was by the old, it should be sung by the moderns’; ed. Gushee, 1975, p.110). The third tone in ex.8 is the melody of the Gallican Te Deum, which is in essence a simple psalm tone with two reciting notes. Ex.9 shows a further psalm tone with two reciting notes, from the 1736 Ventimiglia breviary, where it is described as ‘from the ancient use … of the church of Paris’ and probably represents a corrupt version of a Gallican psalm tone.

Ex.10 shows two somewhat more complex psalm tones, with an antiphonal alleluia. The alleluia is sung once after the first verse, twice after the second group of verses and three times after the last group. The reciting note varies from group to group. This type of psalmody survived in manuscripts from Rouen and in some Anglo-Norman manuscripts. A psalm tone corresponding to the Gallican alleluiaticum, that is, Psalms cxlviii–cl (ex.11), is found in pre-13th-century Gregorian antiphoners as part of the alleluiatic Office for Septuagesima (see Oury, 1965, p.98).

Gallican chant

11. Hymnody.

Three Gallican prose hymns are known: the Te Deum, the Gloria in excelsis and the hymn for the night Office, Magna et mirabilia opera tua(Revelation xv.3), mentioned by St Caesarius of Arles and surviving in the Gallican hymnal of a psalter (I-Rvat Reg.lat.11).

The melody of the Te Deum consists of two sections. The first, ending at ‘sanguine redemisti’, is a Gallican psalm tone with two reciting notes (see §7 above and ex.8). The melody of the section ‘Sanctus, sanctus, sanctus’ is the same as that used in the Ambrosian Mass. The second main section consists of a series of psalm verses (capitella) that originally formed part of the Gloria in excelsis, the hymn of Matins; the manuscript tradition poses difficult problems of interpretation (see Frost, 1933, p.250). The construction of the melody changes at the beginning of the second section (‘Aeterna fac’): no general conclusions can be drawn regarding this part of the melody.

Textual variants suggest that the Gallican melody of the Gloria in excelsis was Gloria XV of the Vatican edition of the gradual. Its features include a syllabic melody, a defective scale and a very archaic structure; the intonation is identical to that of the Te Deum (ex.12). The antiquity of this melody is suggested by the text: characteristically Gallican variants (‘hymnum dicimus tibi’, ‘propter gloriam tuam magnam’ etc.) are found in manuscripts, both noted and with neumes, containing this melody. Some Western manuscripts include a Greek version of the Gloria, and this may have belonged to the Gallican repertory (see Huglo, 1950, p.35).

The texts of the Gallican metrical hymns survive in two substantially identical versions: the Psautier de la reine (I-Rvat Reg.lat.11) from northern France between Paris, Corbie and Soissons, and the Murbach hymnal (GB-Ob Junius 25). The former is supported by evidence from a Corbie hymnal (F-Pn lat.14088) and the latter corresponds with the hymnal of Rheinau (CH-Zz Rh.34), which is incomplete. Almost all the hymns in these manuscripts are metrical.

The following list of Gallican hymns can be reconstructed on the basis of these manuscripts. The hymns are remarkably ancient: those borrowed from Milan predate the addition of the so-called Maximianus series to that liturgy in the mid-7th century (see Huglo and others, 1956, p.85). Moreover, this list contains no hymns by Prudentius (348–after 405), Paulinus of Nola (353/4–431) or Sedulius (mid-5th century), although many of the Office hymns are cited in the monastic Rules of Caesarius of Arles (470–543) and his brother Aurelian (d 551; see Raugel, 1958; and Anglès, 1967, p.73). The Psautier de la reine contains only three hymns by St Ambrose for the Proper of the Time: Intende qui regis for Christmas, Illuminans altissimus for Epiphany, and Haec est dies verus Dei for Easter; this archaically brief series is framed by six hymns for Lauds, one for each weekday, and by a series of hymns for the other Offices.

The non-Ambrosian hymn melodies demand separate study from the Ambrosian, which must have been the same as those used in Milan (thematic table in Huglo and others, 1956, pp.99–100) except for Veni Redemptor gentium and Intende qui regis, whose melodies were altered in Francia. Among the other hymns, the melody of Mediae noctis tempus est, which appears in noted hymnals, probably has a Gallican origin (see Stäblein, 1956, p.448, melody 761). (See also Hymn, §II, 1.)

Gallican chant

12. Antiphons and responsories.

In the Gregorian repertory only one type of simple antiphon is generally used with the singing of psalms. The Gallican tradition, however, like the Ambrosian and Mozarabic, had antiphons with verses that were chanted during the Offices and at other occasions such as the Washing of the Feet on Maundy Thursday; the Offices of St Denis and St Remigius, which originated before the introduction of Roman chant into Francia, include antiphons of this type. Indeed, antiphons with verses may be found in three of the Gregorian Offices: those of 25 January (the Conversion of St Paul), 30 June (Commemoration of St Paul) and 10 August (St Lawrence). The reason for this anomaly is unknown.

Gallican antiphons with verses include the Maundy antiphons, such as Si ego lavi with the verse ‘Exemplum’ (see §4 above), and Popule meus with two verses, ‘Quia eduxi’ and ‘Quid ultra’. Popule meus contains a celebrated Gallican intonation on ‘aut in quo’, which appears from the late 9th century in French antiphoners and which has an Ambrosian parallel (see PalMus, 1st ser., vi, 1900/R, 304). Another example is the antiphon Collegerunt with the verse ‘Unus autem’, which may represent a Gallican sonus; it is found as an offertory in some Gregorian manuscripts, such as those of Paris.

The Gallican antiphonae ante evangelium were sung, as at Milan, without psalm verses. Examples include Salvator omnium, Hodie illuxit (Stäblein, MGG1, iv, 1311) and probably also Insignes praeconiis (ibid., 1309, 1311). The Fraction and Communion antiphons also lacked psalm verses: they include Venite populi (see §4 above), Emitte angelum (ed. P. Cagin: Te Deum ou illatio?, Solesmes, 1900, pp.217, 495) and Memor sit (Stäblein, MGG1, iv, 1315).

The shorter Gallican Office antiphons are not identifiable, although the three antiphons whose texts begin with ‘Alleluia’ may be Gallican: Alleluia, Lapis revolutus est, Alleluia, Noli flere Maria and Alleluia, Quem quaeris mulier(see J. Claire: ‘L’évolution modale dans les répertoires liturgiques occidentaux’, Revue grégorienne, xli, 1963, p.61). These are similar to the alleluiatic antiphons in the Celtic manuscript fragments F-Pn n.a.lat.1628 (see Morin, 1905, p.344); they are not in the Roman Easter Office, which is well known from Amalarius of Metz and the Ordines romani.

The Greco-Latin chants of the Western Church include the Cheroubikon, which was chanted at St Denis until the 13th century and which survives in the West only in manuscripts with neumes (see M. Huglo: ‘Les chants de la Missa greca de Saint-Denis’, Essays Presented to Egon Wellesz, ed. J. Westrup, Oxford, 1966, pp.74–83, esp. 79; see also C.M. Atkinson: ‘On the Origin and Transmission of the Missa graeca’, AMw, xxxix, 1982, 113–45). In the West its origin is Gallican. Some manuscripts contain a Greek Sanctus, and this too probably entered the West through the Gallican liturgy (see Levy, 1958–63, pp.7–67).

None of the greater responsories of the Gallican Offices is at present known to survive, except for Descendit de coelis (cited in §4 above). It is possible that one or two may survive in the pre-Gregorian Offices of St Denis, St Remigius and St Germanus of Auxerre, for Hilduinus in his letter to Louis the Pious noted that the Office of St Denis included Gallican chants and had to be recast to conform with the Gregorian repertory (see §1 above).

Gallican chant

13. ‘Preces’.

This category consists of the most substantially intact surviving group of chants thought to be of Gallican origin. Preces were assigned to the Minor Litanies in Gregorian books (see Processional) and may have been sung mostly in Lent. Nearly 40 preces occur in Gregorian manuscripts, not all of them of Gallican origin.

The preces consist of an alternation of verses, sung by a deacon, and a brief response (responsorium or presa in Aquitaine and Spain) sung at first by the congregation. The verses, stating the intention of the prayer, were sometimes arranged as abecedaria in alphabetical order of incipit. The melodies of the refrains often included complex melismas and are preceded in 11th-century noted manuscripts by the rubric ‘Schola’, which indicates that at this period the responsorium was sung exclusively by experienced singers, not by the congregation.

The preces had no single common origin. Some, in Aquitanian graduals, derived their texts from the Spanish liturgy (see Huglo, ‘Les preces hispaniques’, 1955, p.361). Others derive from the Deprecatio Gelasii, which was excluded from the Roman liturgy at an early date but retained in Gaul. Yet others contain verses that correspond with parts of the two Ambrosian Lenten litanies (see Capelle, 1934, p.130; and P. de Clerck, 1977).

The following list presents the preces of Gallican origin in Gallican and Gregorian manuscripts (in the former instance without melodies), but it does not include 9th-century litanies composed at St Gallen in the style of earlier Gallican preces. Those indicated with a question mark, however, may have been composed after the suppression of the Gallican chant, rather than being of genuine Gallican origin.

Gallican chant

WORKS

?Ab inimicis nostris: Sarum processional of 1517, f.cviii

A Patre missus: Bobbio Missal (ed. Lowe, Wilmart and Wilson, 1917–24, p.66), for Holy Saturday; the second stanza begins ‘Vide Domine’

?Audi nos Christe Jesu: in processionals from St Jiří, Prague – CZ-Pu VI.G.3b, VI.G.5, VI.G.10a–b, VII.G.16, XII.E.15a, XIII.H.3c; Huglo, RISM, b/xiv/1, 120–30

Clamemus omnes una voce: Domine miserere: abecedaria (see PL, cxxxviii, 1085) in MSS with Lorraine and Rhenish notation – F-AS 230 (907) (ed. L. Brou, The Monastic Ordinale of St. Vedast’s Abbey, Arras, London, 1957, p.68); AUT S.12, f.91; CA 78(79), f.39v (11th or 12th century); CA 77, f.69; CA 80, f.17; CA 131, f.43v

Deus miserere, Deus miserere, O Jesu bone (for the dead): in a Mozarabic book, E-Mah 56, f.27, and in an Albi MS in Aquitanian notation, F-Pn lat.776, f.138 (see C. Rojo and G. Prado: El canto mozárabe, Barcelona, 1929, p.74)

Dicamus omnes [Deprecatio Gelasii]: widely diffused, with three versions of the text (see de Clerck, 1977, ii, 215); melodies in Suñol (1935), 116–17; J. Pothier, ed.: Variae preces de mysteriis et festis(Solesmes, 1888), 266; A. Gastoué, Tribune de St Gervais, ix (1903), 46; Gastoué (1939), 14; Stäblein, MGG1, iv, 1313

Domine Deus omnipotens patrum nostrorum [see below, Kyrie eleison Domine]

Domine miserere: a responsorium of the preces Dicamus omnes; see Processionale cenomanense, f.xxxvii; Sarum processional of 1517, f.cviiv

Exaudi Deus voces nostras: in MSS with Lorraine notation – F-AUT S.12, f.96; Pn lat.8898, f.137 (ed. in Rituale seu mandatum insignis ecclesiae suessionensis, Soissons, 1856); VN 130, f.45v; melody in Stäblein, MGG1, iv, 1313

Insidiati sunt mihi: Bobbio Missal (ed. Lowe, Wilmart and Wilson, 1917–24, p.66; see Missale mixtum: PL, lxxxv, 372; D. de Bruyne, Revue bénédictine, xxx, 1913, p.431; Huglo, ‘Les preces hispaniques’, 1955, p.363)

Kyrie eleison, Christe eleison: Domine miserere, Christe miserere: in MSS with Messine notation, from Cambrai, Verdun etc.; melody in Gastoué (1939), 15

Kyrie eleison: Domine Deus omnipotens patrum nostrorum: in many MSS from north France in Lorraine notation and in MSS from south-west France with diastematic notation; melody in J. Pothier, Revue du chant grégorien, ix (1901), 113–20; Gastoué (1939), 16; Stäblein, MGG1, iv, 1313

Kyrie … qui passus est [see below, Qui passurus]

Kyrie … qui precioso [see below, Qui pretioso]

Miserere Domine supplicantibus: in MSS with diastematic notation from south-west France; text and melody ed. Huglo, ‘Les preces hispaniques’ (1955), 372

Miserere, miserere, miserere Domine populo tuo quem redemisti: in a MS from south-west France (see Gastoué, 1939, p.19)

Miserere, miserere, miserere illi Deus, Christe redemptor (for the dead) [see next]

Miserere, miserere, miserere illi Deus, tu Jesu Christe (for the dead): this and the preceding occur in MSS from Albi, F-Pn lat.776, ff.138v–139, and Moissac, Pn lat.1809, f.386v; melodies in C. Rojo and G. Prado: El canto mozárabe (Barcelona, 1929), 75; Stäblein, MGG1, iv, 1312

Miserere Pater juste et omnibus indulgentiam dona: in MSS from south-west France; ed. Huglo, ‘Les preces hispaniques’ (1955), 370; Stäblein, MGG1, iv, 1312

Peccavimus Domine, peccavimus, parce peccatis nostris: variant incipit of Dicamus omnes in Irish MSS – Stowe Missal (ed. G.F. Warner, London, 1906–15, p.30) and CH-SGs 1395 (8th/9th century); and in MSS of Corbie and St Denis – F-AM 18, f.141v; CH-Zz Car C.161, f.179 (9th century; see M. Coens, Etudes bollandiennes, 1963, p.314); Mont-Renaud Antiphoner (PalMus, 1st ser., xvi, 1955/R)

Qui passurus (Litany of Tenebrae): in many French (Dominican) MSS up to the 13th century, at the close of Tenebrae on Maundy Thursday; melody in J. Pothier, Revue du chant grégorien, xi (1902–3); PalMus, 1st ser., xv, 1937/R, f.277v

Qui pretioso sanguine (verse from the Litany of Tenebrae): Sarum processional of 1517, f.cvv (see W. H. Frere, ed.: The Use of Sarum, ii, Cambridge, 1901/R, 171)

Rogamus te Rex seculorum: abecedaria in MSS from south-west France; ed. Huglo, ‘Les preces hispaniques’, 1955, p.374–5 (see also B. Stäblein, MGG1, iv, 1313)

Vide Domine humilitatem meam … miserere pater juste: Bobbio Missal (ed. Lowe, Wilmart and Wilson, 1917–24, p.67; see also Huglo, ‘Les preces hispaniques’, 1955, p.364)

See also Ambrosian chant; Antiphon; Antiphoner; Beneventan chant; Celtic chant; Exultet; Gregorian chant; Litany, §3(iii); Mozarabic chant; Old roman chant; Plainchant; Processional; and Tonary. For ‘Gallican’ chant of the 17th century and later see Neo-gallican chant.

Gallican chant

BIBLIOGRAPHY

sources (excluding lectionaries)

Expositio antiquae liturgiae gallicanae

E. Martène and U. Durand, eds.: Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, v (Paris, 1717), 85ff

P. Batiffol: L’Expositio liturgiae gallicanae attribué à Saint Germain de Paris’, Etudes de liturgie et d’archéologie chrétienne (Paris, 1919), 245–90

A. Wilmart: Germain de Paris (lettres attribuées à Saint)’, Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, ed. F. Cabrol and H. Leclercq, vi/1 (Paris, 1924), 1049–1102

J. Quasten: Expositio antiquae liturgiae gallicanae Germano parisiensi ascripta (Münster, 1934)

K. Gamber: Ordo antiquus gallicanus (Regensburg,1965)

E.C. Ratcliff, ed.: Expositio antiquae liturgiae gallicanae (London, 1971)

Missale gothicum

G.M. Tommasi, ed.: Codices sacramentorum nongentis annis vetustiores (Rome, 1680), 263–317

J. Mabillon, ed.: De liturgia gallicana libri tres (Rome, 1685), 188–300

H.M. Bannister, ed.: Missale gothicum: a Gallican Sacramentary (London, 1917–19)

L.C. Mohlberg, ed.: Missale gothicum: das gallikanische Sakramentar (Cod. Vat. Regin. 317) des VII.–VIII. Jahrhunderts (Augsburg,1929) [facs.]

L.C. Mohlberg, ed.: Missale gothicum (Vat.Reg.lat.317) (Rome, 1961) [transcr. and indexes]

Missale gallicanum

G.M. Tommasi, ed.: Codices sacramentorum nongentis annis vetustiores (Rome, 1680), 433–92

J. Mabillon, ed.: De liturgia gallicana libri tres (Rome, 1685), 329–78

L.C. Mohlberg, L. Eizenhöfer and P. Siffrin, eds.: Missale gallicanum vetus (Rome, 1958) [incl. edns of the Mone Masses and other frags.]

Bobbio Missal

J. Mabillon, ed.: Museum italicum seu collectio veterum scriptorum ex bibliothecis italicis eruta, i/2 (Paris, 1687), 278–397

E.A. Lowe, A. Wilmart and H.A. Wilson, eds.: The Bobbio Missal: a Gallican Mass-Book (London, 1917–24)

Missale francorum

G.M. Tommasi, ed.: Codices sacramentorum nongentis annis vetustiores (Rome, 1680), 348–431

J. Mabillon, ed.: De liturgia gallicana libri tres (Rome, 1685), 301ff

L.C. Mohlberg, L. Eizenhöfer and P. Siffrin, eds.: Missale francorum (Rome, 1957)

Missale vetus gelasianum

E.A. Lowe: The Vatican MS of the Gelasian Sacramentary and its Supplement at Paris’, Journal of Theological Studies, xxvii (1925–6), 357–73

L.C. Mohlberg, L. Eizenhöfer and P. Siffrin, eds.: Liber sacramentorum romanae ecclesiae ordinis anni circuli (Sacramentarium Gelasianum) (Rome, 1960)

Mone masses

F.J. Mone, ed.: Lateinische und griechische Messen aus dem zweiten bis sechsten Jahrhundert (Frankfurt, 1850)

G.M. Dreves, ed.: Liturgische Reimofficien, AH, xlva (1904), 81

L.C. Mohlberg, L. Eizenhöfer and P. Siffrin, eds.: Missale gallicanum vetus (Rome, 1958), 74ff

Collected texts, including miscellaneous fragments

PL, lxxii, 99–448

J. Mabillon, ed.: De liturgia gallicana libri tres (Rome, 1685)

J.M. Neale and G.H. Forbes, eds.: The Ancient Liturgies of the Gallican Church (Burntisland, 1855–7)

L.C. Mohlberg, L. Eizenhöfer and P. Siffrin, eds.: Missale gallicanum vetus (Rome, 1958)

lectionaries, psalters, hymnals etc.

J. Mabillon, ed.: De liturgia gallicana libri tres (Rome, 1685), 106–73 [lectionary of Luxeuil, F-Pn lat.9427, late 7th – early 8th centuries, from ?Luxeuil, Burgundy; the text is one of the purest Gallican sources]

E. Sievers, ed.: Die Murbacher Hymnen (Halle, 1874) [hymnal of Murbach,GB-Ob Junius 25(5137), late 8th century, from Murbach or Reichenau]

G. Morin: Le lectionnaire de l’église de Paris’, Revue bénédictine, x (1893), 438

G. Morin: Notices d’ancienne littérature chrétienne, 6: les notes liturgiques du manuscrit Vat.Regin.Lat.9’, Revue bénédictine, xv (1898), 104

E. Chatelain: Fragments palimpsestes d’un lectionnaire mérovingien’, Revue d’histoire et de littérature religieuses, v (1900), 193

G. Morin: Fragments inédits et jusqu’à présent uniques d’antiphonaire gallican’, Revue bénédictine, xxii (1905), 329–56

G. Morin: Un lectionnaire mérovingien avec fragments du texte occidental des Actes’, Revue bénédictine, xxv (1908), 161–6

G. Morin: Un recueil gallican inédit de Benedictiones episcopales en usage à Freising aux VIIe–IXe siècles’, Revue bénédictine, xxix (1912), 168–94

D. de Bruyne: Les notes liturgiques du manuscrit 134 de la cathédrale de Trèves’, Revue bénédictine, xxxiii (1921), 46–52

A. Wilmart: Un lectionnaire d’Aniane’, Revue Mabillon, xiii (1923), 16–194

A. Dold, ed.: Das älteste Liturgiebuch der lateinischen Kirche: ein altgallikanisches Lektionar des 5.–6. Jahrhunderts aus dem Wolfenbütteler Palimpsest Weissenburgensis 76 (Beuron, 1936) [lectionary of Wolfenbüttel, D-W Weissenburg 76, early 6th century, from southern France]

P. Salmon, ed.: Le lectionnaire de Luxeuil (Rome, 1944–53) [F-Pn lat.9427]

C. Vogel: Archives de l’église d’Alsace, new ser., ix (1958), 1–42 [hymnal of Murbach, GB–Ob Junius 25(5137)]

facsimiles, editions (other rites)

R.-J. Hesbert, ed.: Antiphonale missarum sextuplex (Brussels, 1935/R)

G.M. Suñol, ed.: Antiphonale missarum juxta ritum sanctae ecclesiae mediolanensis (Rome, 1935)

L. Brou and J. Vives, eds.: Antifonario visigótico mozárabe de la Catedral de León (Madrid and Barcelona, 1953)

R.-J. Hesbert, ed.: Manuscripti cursus romanus, CAO, i (1963)

R.-J. Hesbert, ed.: Manuscripti cursus monasticus, CAO, ii (1965)

studies

MGG1 (‘Alleluia’, ‘Exultet’, ‘Gallikanische Liturgie’; B. Stäblein)

MGG2 (‘Gallikanischer Gesang’; M. Huglo and O. Cullin)

J. Mabillon: De liturgia gallicana libri tres (Paris, 1685), 1–96

J.M. Neale and G.H. Forbes: The Ancient Liturgies of the Gallican Church (Burntisland, 1855–67/R)

L. Marchesi: La liturgia gallicana ne’ primi otto secoli della chiesa (Rome, 1867; Fr. trans., 1869)

R. Buchwald: De liturgia gallicana (diss., U. of Breslau, 1890)

L. Duchesne: Sur l’origine de la liturgie gallicane’, Revue d’histoire et de littérature religieuses, v (1900), 31–47

G. Mercati: Sull’origine della liturgia gallicana’, Antiche reliquie liturgiche ambrosiane e romane (Rome, 1902), 72–5

A. Gastoué: Histoire du chant liturgique à Paris, des origines à la fin des temps carolingiens (Paris, 1904) [orig. pubd in Revue du chant grégorien, xi–xii (1902–4)]

G. Morin: Fragments inédits et jusqu’à présent uniques d’antiphonaire gallican’, Revue bénédictine, xxii (1905), 329–56 [F-Pn n.a.lat.1628, ff.1–4]

A. Wilmart: L’âge et l’ordre des messes de Mone’, Revue bénédictine, xxviii (1911), 377–90

L. Duchesne: Origines du culte chrétien: étude sur la liturgie latine avant Charlemagne (Paris, 5/1920; Eng. trans., 1927/R)

H. Lietzmann: Ordo missae romanus et gallicanus (Bonn, 1923)

H. Leclercq: Gallicane (liturgie)’, Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, ed. F. Cabrol and H. Leclercq, vi/1 (Paris, 1924), 473–596

A. Wilmart: Germain de Paris (lettres attribuées à Saint)’, ibid., 1049–1102

B. Capelle: Deux psautiers gaulois dans le Cod. Aug. CCLIII’, Revue bénédictine, xxxvii (1925), 215–23

F.J. Dölger: Sol salutis: Gebet and Gesang im christlichen Altertum mit besonderer Rücksicht auf die Ortung im Gebet and Liturgie (Münster, 1925/R)

J.B. Thibaut: L’ancienne liturgie gallicane: son origine et sa formation en Provence aux Ve et VIe siècles sous l’influence de Cassien et de Saint Césaire d’Arles (Paris, 1929)

F. Cabrol: Les origines de la liturgie gallicane’, Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique, xxv (1930), 951–62

G. Nickl: Der Anteil des Volkes an der Messliturgie im Frankenreiche von Chlodwig bis Karl den Grossen (Innsbruck, 1930)

M. Andrieu, ed.: Les Ordines romani du haut Moyen-Age (Leuven, 1931–61)

M. Frost: Notes on the Te Deum: the Final Verses’, Journal of Theological Studies xxxiv (1933), 250–56

T. Klauser: Die liturgischen Austauschbeziehungen zwischen der römischen und der fränkisch-deutschen Kirche vom 8. bis zum 11. Jahrhundert’, Historisches Jb der Görresgesellschaft, liii (1933), 169–89

B. Capelle: Le kyrie de la messe et le pape Gélase’, Revue bénédictine, xlvi (1934), 126–44

A. Hughes, ed.: Anglo-French Sequelae, Edited from the Papers of the Late Dr. Henry Marriott Bannister (London, 1934/R)

A. Ward: Gloria Patri: Text and Interpretation’, Journal of Theological Studies, xxxvi (1935), 73–4

H. Schneider: Die altlateinischen biblischen Cantica (Beuron, 1938)

A. Gastoué: Le chant gallican (Grenoble, 1939) [orig. pubd in Revue du chant grégorien, xli–xliii (1937–9)]

G. Manz: Ausdruckformen der lateinischen Liturgiesprache (Beuron, 1941)

J. Quasten: Oriental Influence in the Gallican Liturgy’, Traditio, i (1943), 55–73

M. Righetti: Manuale di storia liturgica, i (Milan, 1945, 3/1964), 142ff

L. Brou: Le Sancta sanctis en occident’, Journal of Theological Studies, xlvi (1945), 160–78; xlvii (1946), 11–29

L. Brou: Etudes sur la liturgie mozarabe: le Trisagion de la messe d’après les sources manuscrites’, Ephemerides liturgicae, lxi (1947), 309–34

E. Wellesz: Eastern Elements in Western Chant, MMB, Subsidia, ii (1947)

J.A. Jungmann: Missarum sollemnia: eine genetische Erklärung der römischen Messe (Vienna, 1948, 5/1962; Eng. trans., 1951–5/R as The Mass of the Roman Rite)

H. Schneider: Die biblischen Oden im christlichen Altertum’, Biblica, xxx (1949), 28–65

M. Huglo: La mélodie grecque du Gloria in excelsis’, Revue grégorienne, xxix (1950), 30–40

E. Mâle: La fin du paganisme en Gaule et les plus anciennes basiliques chrétiennes (Paris, 1950)

E. Griffe: Aux origines de la liturgie gallicane’, Bulletin de littérature ecclésiastique, lii (1951), 17–43

P. Combe: Notes sur la vigile pascale au rite lyonnais’, Revue grégorienne, xxxi (1952), 162

M. Huglo: Source hagiopolite d’une antienne hispanique’, Hispania sacra, v (1952), 357–74

E. Wellesz: Epilegomena zu Eastern Elements in Western Chant’, Mf, v (1952), 131–7

A. Baumstark: Liturgie comparée: principes et méthodes pour l’étude historique des liturgies chrétiennes (Chevetogne, 3/1953; Eng. trans., 1958)

C. Gindele: Doppelchor und Psalmenvortrag im Frühmittelalter’, Mf, vi (1953), 296–300

M. Huglo: L’auteur de l’Exultet pascal’, Vigiliae christianae, vii (1953), 79–88

P. Salmon: Le lectionnaire de Luxeuil, ii: Etude paléographique et liturgique suivie d’un choix de planches (Rome, 1953)

H. Anglès: Latin Chant before St Gregory’, NOHM, ii (1954), 58–91

M. Huglo: Antifone antiche per la Fractio panis’, Ambrosius, xxxi (1955), 85–95

M. Huglo: Les preces hispaniques des graduels aquitains empruntées à la liturgie hispanique’, Hispania sacra, viii (1955), 361–83

R.-J. Hesbert: Le chant de la bénédiction épiscopale’, Mélanges en l’honneur de Monseigneur Michel Andrieu (Strasbourg, 1956), 201–18

M. Huglo and others, eds.: Fonti e paleografia del canto ambrosiano (Milan, 1956), 123–6

J. Pinell: Vestigi del Lucernari en occident’, Liturgica, i (1956), 91–145

T. Schäfer: Die Fusswaschung im monastischen Brauchtum und in der lateinischen Liturgie (Beuron, 1956)

B. Stäblein, ed.: Hymnen, I, MMMA, i (1956)

J. Kovalevsky: Le canon eucharistique de l’ancien rite des Gaules (Paris, 1957)

E. Kähler: Studien zum Te Deum und zur Geschichte des 24. Psalms in der alten Kirche (Göttingen, 1958)

W.S. Porter: The Gallican Rite (London, 1958)

F. Raugel: St Césaire précepteur du chant gallican’, IMSCR VII: Cologne 1958, 217–18

K. Levy: The Byzantine Sanctus and its Modal Tradition in East and West’, AnnM, vi (1958–63), 7–67

C. Gindele: Die gallikanischen “Laus perennis”-Klöster und ihr Ordo officii’, Revue bénédictine, lxix (1959), 32–48

C. Vogel: Les échanges liturgiques entre Rome et les pays francs jusqu’à l’époque de Charlemagne’, Le chiese nei regni del Europa occidentale [VII]: Spoleto 1959 (Spoleto, 1960), i, 185–295, 326–30

J. Claire: L’évolution modale dans les répertoires liturgiques occidentaux’, Revue grégorienne, xl (1962), 196–211, 229–48

E. Dekkers and E. Gaar: Clavis patrum latinorum (Steenbrugge, 1962), nos.1917ff [inventory of Gallican missals and sacramentaries]

G. Oury: Les messes de St Martin’, EG, v (1962), 73–97

G. Cugnier: Anciens usages et coutumes liturgiques de l’abbaye de Luxeuil’, Mémoires de la Société pour l’histoire du droit et des institutions des anciens pays bourguignons, comtois et romands, xxiv (1963), 35–41

J. Deshusses: Le bénédictionnaire gallican du VIIIe siècle’, Ephemerides liturgicae, lxxvii (1963), 169–87

K. Gamber: Codices liturgici latini antiquiores (Fribourg, 1963, 2/1968), nos.201–29, 250–66, 270–98, 410 [inventory of Gallican liturgical books]

R.-J. Hesbert: Un antique offertoire de la Pentecôte “Factus est repente”’, Organicae voces: Festschrift Joseph Smits van Waesberghe, ed. P. Fischer (Amsterdam, 1963), 59–69

C. Munier, ed.: Statuta ecclesiae antiqua (Turnhout, 1963)

C. Munier and C. de Clercq, eds.: Concilia Galliae (Turnhout, 1963–74)

J. Szövérffy: Die Annalen der lateinischen Hymnendichtung, i (Berlin,1964), 110–66

C. Heitz: La mystique gallicane et la liturgie de Centula’, Recherches sur les rapports entre architecture et liturgie à l’époque carolingienne (Paris, 1965), 121–7

G. Oury: Psalmum dicere cum alleluia’, Ephemerides liturgicae, lxxix (1965), 98–108

C. Vogel: Introduction aux sources de l’histoire du culte chrétien au Moyen-Age (Turin,1966/R; Eng. trans., rev., 1986, as Medieval Liturgy: an Introduction to the Sources), 90–93

H. Anglès: St Césaire d’Arles et le chant des hymnes’, Maison-Dieu, xcii (1967), 73

K. Gindele: Der Alleluiaticus: ein elementares Kennzeichen vorbenediktinischer Psalmodie’, Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des benediktinischen Ordens and seiner Zweige, lxxviii (1967), 308–20

M. Huglo: Altgallikanische Liturgie’, Geschichte der katholischen Kirchenmusik, ed. K.G. Fellerer, i (Kassel, 1972), 219–33

L. Thorpe, trans.: Gregory of Tours: The History of the Franks (Harmondsworth, 1974) [trans. of Decem libri historiarum]

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L. Gushee, ed.: Aureliani Reomensis: Musica disciplina, CSM, xxi (1975)

P. de Clerck: La prière universelle dans les liturgies latines anciennes (Münster, 1977)

T. Bailey, ed.: Commemoratio brevis de tonis et psalmis modulandis (Ottawa, 1979)

H. Hucke: Toward a New Historical View of Gregorian Chant’, JAMS, xxx (1980), 437–67

M. Huglo: Le répons-graduel de la messe: évolution de la forme, permanance de la fonction’, Schweizer Jb für Musikwissenschaft, ii (1982), 53–77

A. Martimort: La place des hymnes à l’office dans les liturgies d’occident’, Studi ambrosiani in onore di Mons. Pietro Borella, ed. C. Alzati and E. Majo (Milan, 1982), 138–53

M. Curran: The Antiphonary of Bangor and the Early Irish Monastic Liturgy (Blackrock, 1984)

K. Levy: Toledo, Rome and the Legacy of Gaul’, EMH, iv (1984), 49–99

J. Szövérffy: A Concise History of Medieval Latin Hymnody (Leiden, 1985)

J. Dyer: Latin Psalters, Old Roman and Gregorian Chants’, KJb, lxviii (1986), 11–30

R. Taft: The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West: the Origins of the Divine Office and its Meaning for Today (Collegeville, MN, 1986, 2/1993)

J. Dyer: Monastic Psalmody of the Middle Ages’, Revue bénédictine, xcix (1987), 41–74

K. Levy: Charlemagne’s Archetype of Gregorian Chant’, JAMS, xl (1987), 1–31

J. McKinnon: The Fourth-Century Origin of the Gradual’, EMH, vii (1987), 91–106

J. Szövérffy: Latin Hymns (Turnhout, 1989)

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J. Claire: Le cantatorium romain et le cantatorium gallican: étude comparée des premières formes de la psalmodie’, Orbis musicae, x (1990–91), 50–86

P. Bernard: Sur un aspect controversé de la réforme carolingienne: “vieux-romain” et “grégorien”’, Ecclesia orans, vii (1990–92), 163–89

J. McKinnon: The Eighth Century Frankish-Roman Communion Cycle’, JAMS, xlv (1992), 179–227

O. Cullin: La psalmodie directe romaine et grégorienne: relations culturelles et modes d’échanges musicaux’, Musica e storia, i (1993), 273–83

Y. Hen: Culture and Religion in Merovingian Gaul, A.D. 481–751 (Leiden, 1995)

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