ELLEN HICKMANN
Europe, pre- and proto-historic
The following chronology is on a very approximate scale, intended merely to provide points of reference; only cultures cited in the ensuing text are mentioned. Prehistorians have discovered the existence of numerous ‘local cultures’ whose independent development entails considerable shifts in chronological sequence. The following subdivision of the eras known as the Stone, Bronze and Iron Ages is, therefore, only approximate.
The Stone Age comprises the Upper Palaeolithic (600,000–150,000 bce), the Middle Palaeolithic (150,000–40,000) and the Lower Palaeolithic (40,000–8000, from which the earliest extant archaeomusicological evidence probably dates, with the Aurignacian, Solutrean, Magdalenian and Perigordian cultures); the Mesolithic or Middle Stone Age (8000–5000); and the Neolithic or Late Stone Age (beginning c6000 in southern, c5500 in central and c4300 in northern Europe, with the Tripol'e culture in southern Russia and the northern part of south-east Europe – late Neolithic to early Metal Age). The Eneolithic (Copper Age) denotes the transitional period between the Late Stone Age and the Bronze Age and is particularly well marked in the Near East and southern Europe.
The Bronze Age comprises the Early Bronze Age (2300–1600, north of the Alps; 1800–1000, in the north), the Middle Bronze Age (up to 1400, in the Danube region and more farflung areas north of the Alps), and the Late Bronze Age (1400–1200; in central Europe 1200–800, including the tumulus grave culture between the Rhineland and the Carpathians, the urn grave culture of central Europe and the Lausitz culture of eastern central Europe; 1000–500, in the north).
The Iron Age in central Europe began in about 800 bce, with the pre-Roman Hallstatt culture, the Vysock culture in former East Galicia and the Villanova culture of Italy. The Celtic La Tène period (500–100 bce) is contemporaneous with the Roman Republic and with nomadic peoples such as the Scythians and Sarmatians of eastern Europe, and is followed by the period of the Roman Empire and Roman expansion into the provinces (100 bce – 400–500 ce) and then by the migration of peoples and the Merovingian period (500–800). Thereafter tribes and peoples (including the Germanic tribes, the Slavs, Avars, Alemanni, Franks, Vikings, Khazars, Ugro-Finns etc.) dispersed regionally. By this time music and musical practice are mentioned in writing, and this marks the end of the prehistory of European music.
Europe, pre- and proto-historic
The researcher is confronted with unusual problems in describing musical evidence from pre- and protohistoric Europe. He or she must examine not only actual finds relating to music but in particular their context, the circumstances in which they were made and the way in which they were used; and in this respect Europe does not present a unified picture. The literate Mediterranean cultures of classical antiquity (in the Aegean, Greece, Etruria and Rome) arose in the south-east of the continent and in many ways were derived from or stimulated by the highly developed ancient cultures of Mesopotamia, the Near East and Pharaonic Egypt. The cultural influence of these civilizations, which extended far into southern and eastern Europe and to some degree, through trade relations, into central Europe, are mentioned here only in passing.
In central, western and northern Europe, and in large parts of eastern Europe unaffected by classical antiquity, written traditions came considerably later, mainly with the activities of Christian missionaries. Accordingly, the prehistory of music ended at different times in different places, making way for protohistory and with it another group of sources deriving from the written tradition, seldom corresponding to the material remains of former musical cultures. Christianity did not permit the burial of grave goods with the dead, and it is as grave goods that archaeomusicological objects have often been found; that source is from this time often replaced by musical iconography.
It is possible to see that European musical life was always marked by great diversity. The famous Lower Palaeolithic caves of southern France and northern Spain, with their animal paintings and drawings, may have been used for dance; footprints supporting such a theory have been found. It remains a matter for speculation whether places with good acoustics were specifically chosen for paintings (Waller, 1993; Allman, 1994) and whether stalagmites were used in the manner of gongs to produce sound (Dauvois, 1990). Pictorial representations of instrumentalists (Stockmann, 1984, et al.) in scenes of rock art cast little light on matters, and there are few such instances in cave painting (one, in the cave of Les Trois Frères at Ariège, France, is the masked animal dancer holding a flute or a musical bow, of the Magdalenian culture; fig.1). The so-called Neolithic Revolution of the Late Stone Age, with its obvious change in living and economic conditions as people became sedentary, involved the use of new tools and the development of different artistic forms of expression (Torbrügge, 1969; Müller-Karpe, 1968); it must also have induced a new attitude to the significance of music in daily life and to means of producing sound. Regrettably, nothing concrete is known about the process. More is much understood about the nature of musical life in the Metal Ages that followed the Stone Age (see International Study Group … I: Blankenburg, Harz, 1998), with the obvious exception of musical practice in Mediterranean antiquity, characteristically organized in a hierarchic structure involving the division of labour. Written sources make it clear that music was played on many different kinds of occasion. Pictorial evidence also shows that musical instruments were reserved for certain groups of people or, in the ancient polytheistic religions, for certain gods. However, no written sources and little iconographic evidence of musical culture are found in central and northern Europe, and until the approach of the Middle Ages the interpretation of musical life and culture must depend on archaeological finds discovered more or less by chance.
The musical inheritance of the distant past therefore consists exclusively of archaeological artefacts, widely distributed across Europe and from different phases between the Stone Age and protohistoric periods. Detailed excavations have not been made all over Europe, and musical instruments have been found on a few sites only. Most of the instruments, as everywhere else in the world, will have been made of organic materials; because of the nature of the ground, they have either perished or are only fragmentarily preserved. Many extant items were not recognized by archaeologists as musical instruments and are not so classified. Moreover, many cannot be defined solely as musical instruments and may have had several functions (for instance, as decorative objects, utensils, cult implements etc.; see Koch, 1992; Hickmann, ‘Anthropomorphe Pfeifen’, 1997). Items that are undoubtedly musical instruments can be classified according to the accepted system (Hornbostel and Sachs, 1914), but a question mark must hang over many.
Europe, pre- and proto-historic
There is evidence from ancient Greece, Etruria and Rome, most of it iconographic, for the use of clappers and castanets that can be classified as idiophones directly intended to produce sound, and for clappers worn on the feet, small bowls and handled bowls (Wegner, 1963; Fleischhauer, 1964). Such idiophones do not seem to have been part of the original range of musical instruments in central, western or northern Europe (see Lund, 1984), and neither were the small metal bells found in the west exclusively in former Roman provinces, where they occur in great numbers and in many varieties (fig.2). They are more common in the east, for instance, in the Iron Age cultures of the Scythians and Sarmatians, and perhaps as imports of the imperial Roman period in Poland. Small bells and jingles have been found among the Slavs, Khazars and Ugro-Finns, both sedentary and nomads, and were extremely common from the 1st century ce to the 14th century (Häusler and Hickmann, MGG2); they are also found in Bohemia and Poland in protohistoric times (Staššiková-Štukovská, 1984; Malinowski, 1984). Large angular handbells were used by Irish monks in post-Christian times (Bourke, 1980, 1983; Purser, 1992, and in International Study Group … I: Blankenburg, Harz, 1998; Homo-Lechner, 1996; Hickmann, 1997). Bones with serrated rings round them or lower jawbones (for instance, of reindeer) containing teeth, and occasionally a horn with visible grooves (the Venus of Laussel in France, of the Perigordian period) have been interpreted as Lower Palaeolithic scrapers.
The largest group of pre- and protohistoric idiophones consists of rattles in many shapes, directly designed to generate sound. Perforated shells have been interpreted as Stone Age rattling jewellery (Lund, Fornnordiska klanger, 1984, on rows of rattling items). Many kinds of multifunctional metal objects of this nature are typical of the Villanova culture of Italy, the Hallstatt period of central Europe (Häusler and Hickmann, MGG2) and cultures of central and eastern Russia. Frame rattles appear in Greek and Roman music, comparable in shape to the sistrum, which originated in ancient Egypt (E. and H. Hickmann, MGG2). Scythian frame rattles were carried on the tops of poles; the rattling devices might be globular, drop-shaped or disc-shaped and could also have the form of small bells and jingles (Häusler and Hickmann, MGG2). From the Neolithic period onwards, pottery rattles in the form of vessels shaped like animals, globes, eggs, cubes etc. were common as grave goods in central and western, and occasionally in northern, Europe. In eastern Europe such instruments can be traced back to the 4th or 3rd millennium bce as grave goods (in the Tripol'e culture). Many pottery rattles from the Lausitz culture of Poland have been found; analogous pottery rattles are known from several cultures of western Ukraine and Moldavia closely related to the Lausitz culture, particularly from the Vysock culture (Häusler and Hickmann, MGG2), and similar sound-producing items in various shapes date from the Iron Age cultures of central Russia and middle and south Europe, some of them, shaped like birds, still in use in the Old Slav period. Such objects were particularly common among the Celts as grave goods buried with women and children (see Archaeomusicology). Egg-shaped metal rattles of bronze, made in Ireland and thought to be connected with the native cult of the bull, date from the Late Bronze Age (Purser, 1992).
In Mediterranean classical antiquity, the frame drum was played by dancers, particularly women. It had a prominent role in the orgiastic cult of Dionysus, as depicted in much iconographic material. In the Neolithic Age pottery goblet drums or hourglass drums open at both ends occur as grave goods in an area covering Poland, eastern Germany and Hesse and the Lüneburg region, and were usually buried with men; the rim of the upper opening is surrounded with protuberances, sometimes bored with holes, to help fasten the drumhead. No drumheads are preserved, however, and it cannot be absolutely certain that these objects were in fact drums; the same can be said of some cylindrical wooden items from Scandinavia (Lund, Fornnordiska klanger, 1984).
Apart from the occasional Stone Age bone bullroarer, pipes, flutes and horns of various types make up the extant pre- and protohistoric aerophones. It is uncertain whether any double-reed instruments were among them, with the exception of Greek and Roman auloi and tibiae which are shown on vase paintings, reliefs, sarcophages and so on. Any single or double blowing attachments would have been made of blades of grass or of reeds and would obviously have perished. Among the extant pipes are pottery vessel flutes, found from the Neolithic period onwards. Panpipes, which are particularly early, have been found in southern Russia (4th century bce), south-eastern Europe, the Volga and Ukraine and the Lausitz culture of Poland. From the wide distribution of such pipes made of individual bones, it has been argued that panpipes were common over a large area (Häusler and Hickmann, MGG2). In the west, depictions on situlas of the Hallstatt period show quite large panpipes (Eibner, 1987). A few panpipes of the Gallo-Roman period have been preserved (Alesia in Burgundy; Regensburg (fig.4); Holland and Belgium) and consist of a piece of wood with individual holes bored for the reeds (Homo-Lechner and Vendries, 1993–4; Häusler and Hickmann; Tamboer, 1999, MGG2). Viking panpipes were similarly made (Lund, Fornnordiska klanger, 1984). The ancient Greeks regarded the syrinx as the instrument of the god Pan (Haas, 1985; Jurriaans-Helle and others, 1999); the Romans adopted the instrument, changed its shape, made it larger and gave it a number of new functions, as iconographic and literary evidence shows. Bone pipes had a wide distribution as signal and decoy instruments (Lund, 1986), and pipes made of phalanges dating back to the Palaeolithic era, especially the Late Stone Age, have been found on various sites (Käfer, 1998). At an early date bones of animals and particularly birds were provided with finger-holes so that sequences of notes could be played (the so-called ‘Neanderthal-flute’ is doubtful and controversially discussed: see d’Errico and others; 1998; Holdermann and Serangeli, 1999). The two oldest known examples were discovered at Geissenklösterle and have been dated to 36,800 bce (Hahn and Münzel, 1995); after sporadic finds from the Lower Palaeolithic era, there is no break in the occurrence of pipes in Europe up to the Middle Ages. However, many bone flutes seem to have been incorrectly dated too early (Brade, 1975). The register of notes produced by the finger-holes, even if it can be ascertained, does not provide a point of departure for constructing a chronology.
Spectacular Metal Age horns have been found in Ireland, dating from the Middle and Late Bronze Age; they are conical, with curved segments and ending in a straight tube, 50 to 200 cm in length and made of an alloy of copper and tin. The longer horns were blown at the narrower end and could be extended by the insertion of a straight metal tube. There was also a mouthpiece, as the preservation of the necessary attachments for fitting one shows, but none has survived. The smaller instruments were blown laterally through a broad oval hole in the side; the upper end was closed off by a knob. The horns were made by casting metal in either one or two parts (Coles, 1963; Holmes and Coles, 1981; O’Dwyer and Purser in International Study Group … I: Blankenburg, Harz, 1998).
The horns known as lurs and found in Scandinavia and northern Germany mostly date from the same period as these Irish horns; some are older. Of the 60 that have been found, 16 are well preserved, although these had been reconstructed several times (Broholm, Larsen and Skjerne, 1949; Lund, 1984; Schween in International Study Group … I: Blankenburg, Harz, 1998). Lurs, so called from the much later sagas mentioning war-horns, consist of two winding curves fitted together. The instruments were made in several sections by the cire perdu metal-casting method and assembled later. A funnel-shaped mouthpiece is fitted to the narrower end of the conical tube, and the broader speaking end terminates in a large, flat disc (fig.6). These discs are said to have no acoustic function, though recent research has cast doubts on this (see Schween in International Study Group … I: Blankenburg, Harz, 1998); it has often been suggested that they are sun symbols. Lurs were frequently buried in pairs or in larger numbers, and occasionally with other objects. It is difficult to derive any detailed information from the only pictorial records of the instrument, in contemporary (or rather later) Scandinavian rock carvings or drawings. They are often shown on board ship. It is also not clear how lurs were played: as solo instruments, in pairs, or in ensembles with other instruments. The many attempts at musical reconstruction have not led to any definite conclusions since no written records mention the instruments. Horns of the earlier Bronze Age found in northern Germany (in Bodin, Teterow and Wismar) have been described as precursors of the lur, but that theory is untenable.
Metal horns were typical of the Celtic La Tène culture. The carnyx is famous: it was a long instrument with a thin tube and a speaking end in the shape of an animal head. A carnyx has been reconstructed in Edinburgh from an animal-head bell of the 2nd century bce discovered in Deskford (Hunter, 1994 and in International Study Group … I: Blankenburg, Harz, 1998); the movable lower jawbone acts as a clapper (fig.7). Pictorial depictions of the carnyx date from the 3rd century bce, for instance, on coins. Probably the best-known scene, showing three instruments, is on the Gundestrup silver cauldron of the 2nd to 1st century bce, found in a Danish bog (Häusler and Hickmann, MGG2; Purser in International Study Group … I: Blankenburg, Harz, 1998. Celtic Iberian pottery horns have been found in considerable numbers in Numantia in Spain.
Few examples of the Greek and Roman horns known as salpinx, tuba, buccina, cornu, lituus and the triton of a large snail have been preserved; they are known principally from depictions on tombstones and other stelae, or from triumphal arches and other reliefs, but there is much written evidence for their function and use (Fleischhauer, 1964; Wille, 1967).
Wind instruments also include the organ. The earliest known instrument of this kind was the hydraulis, with a blowing mechanism operated by water pressure. Partly preserved archaeological examples from the Hellenistic period have been found in Aquincum (Hungary, ce 228) and Switzerland (3rd century ce). Long, well-preserved pipes and fragments of the body of an instrument were excavated by Dimitrios Pandermalis in Dion at the foot of Mount Olympus in 1992 (for details of this sensational find, which has been dated to the 1st century bce, see Jakob, MGG2). There are pottery models of the water organ in the Musée Lavigerie, Carthage, and in the Nationalmuseum, Copenhagen. Depictions of the instrument appear in Roman mosaics, and references to and descriptions of the hydraulis occur from the 3rd century bce into the Christian period (see Jakob, MGG2).
Little is known about the later history of the water organ in the West. In Europe, a pneumatic organ clearly existed side by side with the water organ for a while and then made its way into church music between 900 and 1200. No archaeological remains have been found either of these instruments or of the automatic water organs built by Arab and Byzantine makers (see H.G. Farmer: The Organ of the Ancients, London, 1931; Hickmann, 1936/R; on the early development of the instruments see also Archaeomusicology; Organ, §IV; Water organ).
String instruments do not make their appearance in Europe until the Christian era, apart from the lyres, harps and lutes of Mediterranean antiquity and their derivatives in southern Europe. A Scythian-Sarmatian harp from the 1st–3rd century ce was found in a Russian tomb (Bachmann, 1992). The Romans adopted the ancient Greek instruments, which also made their way into parts of eastern Europe (Häusler and Hickmann, MGG2); extant pieces are rare. It is not certain whether the lyres depicted on situlas of the East Hallstatt culture are from the same source (Eibner, 1987, 1990). There is sporadic evidence of the existence of lyres in Europe in the 6th century, a fragment from the 2nd century was recently discovered near Bremen. Instruments have been found in the burial places of high-ranking individuals (at Oberflacht, St Severin and Sutton Hoo). Such instruments occurred rather later in England, particularly the east of England, and about 1000 and later they were made and played by the Vikings (in Haithabu: see Lawson, in Lund, Fornnordiska klanger, 1984; and in Novgorod: see Povetkin, 1992; fig.9). No archaeological remains have been found corresponding to the harps depicted on 8th- and 9th-century stone reliefs and stone crosses in Scotland and Ireland (fig.10), which clearly refer to scenes from the life of David (Porter, 1983; Buckley, 1992; Purser, 1992).
Europe, pre- and proto-historic
MGG1 (‘Germanische Musik’, W. Niemeyer)
MGG2 (‘Musikarchäologie’, A. Häusler and E. Hickmann; ‘Orgel, §III’, F. Jakob; ‘Rasseln, archäologische’, E. Hickmann; ‘Sistrum’, E. and H. Hickmann)
M. von Hornbostel and C. Sachs: ‘Systematik der Musikinstrumente’, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, xlvi (1914), 553–90; Eng. trans. in GSJ, xiv (1961), 3–29
C. Sachs: Handbuch der Musikinstrumentenkunde (Berlin, 1920, 2/1930/R)
H. Hickmann: Das Portativ: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Kleinorgel (Kassel, 1936/R)
H.C. Broholm, W.P. Larsen and G. Skjerne: The Lures of the Bronze Age (Copenhagen, 1949)
J. Coles: ‘Irish Bronze Age Horns and their Relations with Northern Europe’, Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society, xxix (1963), 326–56
M. Wegner: Griechenland, Musikgeschichte in Bildern, ii/4 (Leipzig, 1963)
G. Fleischhauer: Etrurien und Rom, Musikgeschichte in Bildern, ii/5 (Leipzig, 1964)
G. Wille: Musica romana (Amsterdam, 1967)
J.V.S. Megaw: ‘Problems and Non-Problems in Palaeo-Organology: a Musical Miscellany’, Studies in Ancient Music: Essays Presented to Stuart Piggott, ed. J.M. Coles and D.D.A. Simpson (Leicester, 1968), 333–58
H. Müller-Karpe: Das vorgeschichtliche Europa (Baden-Baden, 1968)
W. Torbrügge: Europäische Vorzeit (Baden-Baden, 1969)
E. Hickmann: Musica instrumentalis: Studien zur Klassifikation des Musikinstrumentariums im Mittelalter (Baden-Baden, 1971)
C. Brade: Die mittelalterlichen Kernspaltflöten Mittel- und Nordeuropas (Neumünster, 1975)
F. Zagiba: Musikgeschichte Mitteleuropas, i (Vienna, 1976)
C. Bourke: ‘Early Irish Hand-Bells’, Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, cx (1980), 52–66
P. Holmes and J.M. Coles: ‘Prehistoric Brass Instruments’, World Archeology, xii (1981), 280–86
C. Bourke: ‘The Hand Bells of the Early Scottish Church’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, cxiii (1983), 464–8
J. Porter: ‘Harps, Pipes and Silent Stones: the Problem of Pictish Music’, Selected Reports in Ethnomusicology, iv (1983), 243–67
G. Lawson: ‘Zwei Saiteninstrumente aus Haithabu’, Das archäologische Fundmaterial der Ausgrabung Haithabu, 1963–4, iv, ed. K. Schietzel (Neumünster, 1984), 151–9
C.S. Lund, ed.: disc notes, Fornnordiska klanger [The sounds of prehistoric Scandinavia], Musica sveciae, MS 101 (1984, reissued on CD, 1991) [incl. G. Lawson: ‘Playing a Viking-Age Lyre’]
C.S. Lund: ‘The “Phenomenal” Bronze Lurs: Data – Problems – Critical Discussion’, ICTM Study Group on Music Archaeology: Conference II: Stockholm 1984, ii, 9–50
T. Malinowski: ‘Quelques idiophones en métal (grelots et clochettes) du haut Moyen-Age polonais’, Interaktionen der mitteleuropäischen Slawen und anderen Ethnika im 6. – 10. Jahrhundert: Nové Vozokany 1983, ed. B. Chropovsk (Nitra, 1984), 183–99
D. Staššiková-Štukovská: ‘Neue Aspekte zu mitteleuropäischen Schellen des 7. – 9. Jahrhunderts’, ibid., 225–31
D. Stockmann: ‘On the Early History of Drums and Drumming in Europe and the Mediterranean’, ICTM Study Group on Music Archaeology: Conference II: Stockholm 1984, i, 11–28
G. Haas: Die Syrinx in der griechischen Bildkunst (Vienna, 1985)
C. Reimers and V. Vogel: ‘Knochpfeifen und Knochenflöten aus Schleswig’, Ausgrabungen in Schleswig: Berichte und Studien, vii, ed. V. Vogel (Neumünster, 1985), 19–42
C.S. Lund: ‘On Animal Calle in Ancient Scandinavia: Theory and Data’, The Archaeology of Early Music Cultures [I]: Hanover 1986, 289–303
A. Eibner: ‘Musikleben der Hallstattzeit: Betrachtungen zur Mousiké anhand der bildlichen Darstellungen’, Musik in Antike und Neuzeit, ed. M. von Albrecht and W. Schubert (Frankfurt and New York, 1987), 271–318
M. Dauvois: ‘Les témoins sonores paléolithiques’, La pluridisciplinarité en archéologie musicale: Saint-Germain-en-Laye 1990, 152–206
A. Eibner: ‘Music during the Hallstatt Period: Observations on Mousiké as Depicted on Iron Age Circumalpine Vessels’, ibid., 299–320
W. Bachmann: ‘Die Scythisch-sarmatische Harfe aus Olbia, L.Jh.’, Sons originels: Préhistoire de la musique: Liège 1992, ed. M. Otte (Liège, 1994)
A. Buckley: ‘Harps and Lyres on Early Medieval Monuments of Britain and Ireland’, Harpa, vii (1992), 15–21
K.-P. Koch: ‘Musikarchäologische Quellen aus dem östlichen Deutschland’, Jahresschrift für mitteldeutsche Vorgeschichte, lxxv (1992), 101–36
V.J. Povetkin: ‘Musical Finds from Novgorod (Kap. VII)’, The Archaeology of Novgorod, Russia: Recent Results from the Town and its Hinterland, ed. M.A. Brisbane (Lincoln, 1992), 206–27
J. Purser: Scotland’s Music: a History of the Traditional and Classical Music of Scotland from Early Times to the Present Day (Edinburgh, 1992)
S.J. Waller: ‘Sound Reflection as an Explanation for the Content and Context of Rock Art’, Rock Art Research, xix/2 (1993), 91–101
C. Homo-Lechner and C. Vendries, eds.: Le carnyx et la lyre: archéologie musicale en Gaule celtique et romaine (Besançon, 1993–4)
W.F. Allman: The Stone Age Present: how Evolution has Shaped Modern Life (New York, 1994)
F. Hunter: ‘Celtic Chicanery Questioned’, Spink Numismatic Circular, cii (1994), 259 only
J. Hahn and S. Münzel: ‘Knochenflöten aus dem Aurignacien des Geissenklösterle bei Blaubeuren, Alb-Donau-Kreis’, Fundberichte aus Baden-Württemberg, xx (1995), 2–12
C. Homo-Lechner: Sons et instruments de musique au Moyen Age: archéologie musicale dans l’Europe du VIIe au XVIe siècle (Paris, 1996)
E. Hickmann: ‘Anthropomorphe Pfeifen und Flöten: ein Beitrag über Klang, Spiel und Kult im alten Ekuador’, Sine musica nulla vita: Festschrift Hermann Moeck, ed. N. Delius (Celle, 1997), 375–82
E. Hickmann: ‘Das heilige Signal: irische und schottische Handglocken aus der Frühzeit der christlichen Mission’, Glocken in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. K. Kramer (Karlsruhe, 1997), 375–82
I. Turk, ed. and others: Moustérienska ‘koščena piščal’ in druge najdbe iz Divjih bab I v Sloveniji [Mousterian ‘bone flute’ and other finds from the Divje Babe I cave site in Slovenia] (Ljubljana, 1997)
International Study Group on Music Archaeology I: Blankenburg, Harz, 1998 (forthcoming) [incl.: S. O’Dwyer: ‘The Four Voices of the Irish Bronze Age Horn’; J. Purser: ‘The Sounds of Ancient Scotland’; J. Schween: ‘Bemerkungen zum Spiel auf der Nachbildung eines jungbronzezeitlichen Lurenmundstückes vom Typ Brudevaelte Nr.5’; J. Creed: ‘The Reconstruction of the Carnyx’; F. Hunter: ‘The Reconstruction of the Deskford Carnyx: J. Kenny: ‘The Reconstruction of the Deskford Carnyx: an ongoing Interdisciplinary Project’; M. Campbell-MacGillivray: ‘Acoustics of the Carnyx’]
F. d’Errico and others: ‘A middle palaeolithic origin of music? Cave-bear bones and the Divje Babe I bone “flute”’, Antiquity, lxxii (1998), 65–79
B. Käfer: Paläolithische Knochenflöten im Ostalpenraum und dem nordöstlich vorgelagerten Lössgebiet – ‘Knochenklang’ (thesis, U. of Vienna, 1998)
C.S. Holdermann and J. Serangeli: ‘Die “Neanderthalerflöte” von Divje-Babe – eine Revolution in der Musikgeschichte?’, Musica instrumentalis, ii (1999), 147–57
G. Jurriaans-Helle and others: Mythen, Mensen en Muziek – een expositie over muziek in de oudheid (Alkmaar, 1999)
A. Tamboer: Ausgegrabene Klänge: archäologische Musikinstrumente aus allen Epochen (Oldenburg, 1999)