(Port. Républica de Angola). Country in south-central Africa. It has an area of 1·25 million km2 and a population of 12·78 million (2000 estimate). Angola was a Portuguese colony during the first half of the 20th century, declared an overseas province in 1972 and achieved independence in 1975. Conflicts between liberation movements financed by foreign powers immediately plunged the country into a 20-year civil war that led to the destruction of most rural community-based cultures and excessive urban migration, particularly to Luanda, the capital city. The impact of this turmoil on Angola’s musical cultures is only gradually being assessed (see Kubik, ‘Muxima Ngola’, 1991).
GERHARD KUBIK
Several Iron Age sites have been uncovered in north-west Angola. Further south, the site of Féti in the central highlands of Viye (Bié) was discovered in 1944 by an amateur archaeologist, Júlio de Moura, who recovered a flange-welded iron bell with stem grip and two other iron bells that each seem to have a clapper (Ervedosa, 1980, p.lix). The site dates to 720 ce, demonstrating the presence of iron bells in central Angola at the beginning of the 8th century and showing how far south the technology used for making flange-welded iron bells, often associated with chieftainships, had penetrated. Significantly, bells had disappeared from most parts of Angola by the 20th century.
Owing to the late 15th-century establishment of a permanent political and cultural link between Portugal and the Kingdom of Kongo, north-west Angola is unique in south-central Africa in that a considerable number of early written and pictorial sources exist. Early sources refer to the Kingdom of Kongo that extended far into the present-day Democratic Republic of the Congo at the height of its power. Ruy de Pina (1792) reported that trombetas de marfim (ivory trumpets) were among the instruments played at a reception for a Portuguese delegation given by the King of Kongo in 1491. Duarte Lopes travelled to Luanda in 1578 and described military music among the Bakoongo and Imbundu peoples (Schüller, 1972). G. Francesco da Roma, an Italian missionary, was the first to describe xylophones in north-west Angola in 1648, giving an account of musical acculturation at that time. European wind instruments were introduced soon after relations had been established between King Nzinga Nkuwu and Portugal in 1490. These instruments spread far into the interior of Angola. The Kingdom of Kongo was an area of early Christian evangelization and the establishment of missions. Church bells were also introduced, giving rise to the production of small bells with clappers made with local metallurgical techniques.
Two Capuchin missionaries, Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi and Girolamo Merolla, gave the most detailed descriptions of music, organology and the role of instruments in society during the late 17th century. Cavazzi travelled to what is now north-west Angola in 1654, living in the Kingdom of Kongo and adjoining areas for 13 years. Musical scenes are depicted in many of the illustrations in his Istorica descrizione de’tre’ regni Congo, Matamba et Angola (1687), such as warriors playing single- and double-bells (reproduced in Hirschberg, 1969, p.15).
Merolla travelled to Luanda from Naples in 1682. Some historians consider Merolla’s documentation (1692) of musical instruments in the north-west Bantu-language zone as secondary and largely based on Cavazzi, but it is probably independent. Similarities with Cavazzi’s account are easily explained since the two were contemporaries and had contact with the same cultures. One famous illustration (fig.1) shows several musical instruments: a gourd-resonated marimba (xylophone), a nsambi (pluriarc), a kasuto and kilondo (two types of scrapers), a longa (double-bell), a goblet-shaped single-headed ngamba (drum) and an epungu (end-blown horn).
The xylophone tradition noted by these authors has disappeared from the area. It survives, however, further north, in southern Cameroon, where it spread from Congo and Gabon at the height of the Kingdom of Kongo’s power. Their organology, mode of performance, social context and the fact that usually four are combined to form an ensemble contribute to the hypothesis that the present-day southern Cameroonian xylophone tradition is the closest parallel to that described by Merolla.
Some of the most intriguing indirect testimonies of Angolan musical instruments in the late 18th century and the early 19th come from Brazil, where Angolan slaves continued to produce the musical instruments of their home cultures. At that time, Brazil was more accessible than Angola to European travellers. Rio de Janeiro, in particular, became a meeting point for European painters and authors keen to capture picturesque scenes. Thus, in the paintings of Jean-Baptiste Debret, Johann Moritz Rugendas, Lt Chamberlain, Thomas Ewbank and others (see Kubik, 1979), there is invaluable information on musical instruments made by African slaves.
One particular Brazilian source is useful in the indirect assessment of musical practices in 18th-century Angola. On his journey through northern Brazil in 1783–92, Alexandre Rodrigues Ferreira observed slaves playing a 16-note board lamellophone and a seven-string pluriarc. His accurate drawings reveal details such as the tuning of the lamellophone with lumps of black wax (Kubik, 1979). Analysis of these drawings has enabled an identification of the area from where those slaves must have come, south-west Angola. Probably they were of the Nkhumbi, Handa, Cipungu or related peoples who were deported to Brazil via Benguela. A comparison of Ferreira’s drawings with field research materials from south-west Angola collected in 1965 demonstrates that instrumental designs of these types have remained stable for over 200 years (Kubik, 1979; 1986).
Sources on music in Angola became abundant in the 19th century when colonial penetration of inner Angola intensified (Magyar, 1859; Pogge, 1880; Pinto, 1881; Capello and Ivens, 1881; Dias de Carvalho, 1890–93). In the 20th century these sources were amplified by numerous ethnographic accounts (Schachtzabel, 1923; Hambly, 1934), as well as the collections of musical instruments in museums, notably the Museu do Dundo, Angola, and the Museu de Etnologia, Lisbon.
As elsewhere in Africa, music and language are intimately linked in Angola. Major musical style areas of the country, therefore, correspond with principal linguistic divisions. The majority of Angola’s population speaks Bantu languages of one of three zones: north-west, central and south-west, and east (fig.2). There are also scattered communities speaking non-Bantu languages of the Khoisan family, south of latitude 14°S.
(i) Music of Khoisan-language speakers.
(ii) Music of Bantu-language speakers of the central and south-western zone.
(iii) Music of Bantu-language speakers of the north-western zone.
(iv) Music of Bantu-language speakers of the eastern zone.
Angola, §2: Main musical style areas
In 1975, before the forced dislocation of peoples caused by civil war, Khoisan groups, ethnically classified as !Kung’, were found in several locations across southern Angola. Another small group in Namibe province speaking a Khoisan language is known as the Kwisi (Kwise). Non-Bantu-language-speaking groups of south-west Angola also include the Kwepe and Kazama and the speakers of Kwadi.
Several thousands of years ago, Khoisan hunter-gatherers developed harmonic counterpoint, stimulated by two converging factors: hunters’ experiences with long, stretched strings and the ability of the hunting bow to be turned into a musical instrument by dividing the string with a tuning noose and employing the mouth as a variable resonator (fig.3). This convergence led to the technique of selective reinforcement of lower partials over two fundamentals, and thereafter to an understanding of the natural harmonic series.
!Kung’ music demonstrates five salient traits. First, the use of vocal polyphony in the Africanist definition of the term (see Africa, §3(v)) and yodel. Pitch-lines sung to syllables and few words, if any, are combined by singers in an interlocking style. Second, pitch-lines are generated by tones derived from the exploration of the natural harmonic series up to the 4th partial over two fundamentals of a stretched string; !Kung’ intervallic memory is conditioned by the experience of the mouth bow. Third, !Kung’ musical instruments include three adaptations of a hunting bow as a musical bow: two mouth-resonated and one with an external gourd-resonator. Women use a bavugu (stamping tube) made from three gourds of the strychnos spinoza plant glued on top of each other with black wax. The bavugu is stamped on the player’s left thigh and hit with the right hand on the uppermost orifice. All other instruments, such as the kawayawaya (friction bow), various lamellophones and occasional drums, are borrowed from Bantu-language speakers. Fourth, rhythm is characterized by the use of interlocking motifs in song and clapped polyrhythmic patterns in cycles of 12 or 24 elementary pulses. Fifth, movement in dance includes vigorous shaking of the torso, sometimes inducing trance-like states. Miming of animals and mock duels between men are prominent features of !Kung’ expressive culture.
Angola, §2: Main musical style areas
The Ovimbundu are the largest ethnic group in Angola, with close to 4 million Umbundu speakers. Ocisungo (song) among the Ovimbundu is a generic term that was exported to Brazil with the slave trade (Kubik, Extensionen, 1991, p.70). The first recordings of Ovimbundu singing were made by Alfred Schachtzabel in 1913 on wax cylinders, and they reveal the presence of a characteristic heptatonic multipart singing style. Musical instruments include drums similar to those of their eastern and southern neighbours. Various musical bows are used: mouth-resonated bows such as ekolowa (a friction bow) and ocimbulumbumba (a braced, gourd-resonated musical bow). The onomatopoeic name mbu-lu-mbu-mba characterizes timbre and accent patterns played on the bow.
Ethnographic coverage of the Ovimbundu is detailed (Schachtzabel, 1923; Hambly, 1934), but no comprehensive ethnomusicological coverage is available. Indirect conclusions are, however, possible. An important difference between the culture of the Ovimbundu and almost all surrounding peoples is the absence of boys’ circumcision and, therefore, also associated music-dance activities. A unique class stratification has, however, generated specific forms of praise-songs.
In contrast to Angola’s central highland population, which was much affected by trade along the Ovimbundu routes from the 18th century to the 19th, the cultures of the south-west remain conservative, although the Portuguese presence was long established; the town of Caconda-a-Velha, for example, was founded in 1680, and south-west Angola subsequently became a preferred slave-recruiting area. This is why many cultural traits of this area survive in the Brazilian melting pot (Kubik, 1979; Extensionen, 1991). The cultural profile of these peoples has fuelled speculation about remote East African migrations, dating perhaps to the 1st millennium ce. Ethnomusicological data corroborate rather than contradict such speculation.
The most popular recreational dance for men and women, onkili, reveals a style of movement emphasizing high jumping and high stepping by the male dancers. (O)Nkili is an original dance emerging from the Nkhumbi-Handa cluster of peoples in which young people form two rows. While the women clap, one dances out from her row, executes several slow turns and finally intercepts with her hands the high jump of a male partner who has detached himself from his group and run towards her, making it seem as if the woman lifts the man’s body up above her head and shoulders. This pattern is repeated with alternating partners.
A variety of dances accompanied by drums and hand-clapping is shared by the peoples of Wila (Huíla) province; the most important are ovinjomba, ombulunganga, kaunjangera, machikuma, ombanda and the ubiquitous onkili. Drums are highly decorated with brass nails, coins, crosses, amulets of metal, beads etc.; the brown-tainted bodies of drums sometimes have high reliefs representing the breasts of a woman. Two drum sizes are distinguished, each with a specific function: kenjengo (also cikenjengo, cipinjingo etc.), which provides a basic pattern, and ng’oma, the master drum. Tuning paste is used for both drums, which are played with the hands and held between the knees while standing.
A range of musical instruments is used by the Ovankhumbi, Ovahanda, Ovacilenge, Ovacipungu and others for solo performances, including two transformations of an onkhonji (hunting bow) into a mouth-resonated musical bow that exploit the harmonic series up to the 6th partial over two fundamentals (Kubik, 1975–6; 1987, pp.103–4). In addition, there is the embulumbumba (gourd-resonated bow). One performer, José Emmanuel Virasanda, recorded at Mukondo, near Dinde, in 1965, is now a celebrity among ethnomusicologists for his bow-songs presented by Tiago de Oliveira Pinto in a cross-cultural experiment to Brazilian musicians in the Recôncavo Baiano. Pinto’s experiment tested the extent to which common ground between these traditions still existed on a cognitive level (1994). The Brazilian berimbau was developed from a blend of Angolan gourd-resonated bows in the 19th century, and many patterns have continued.
Angola, §2: Main musical style areas
The principal language of this zone is Kikoongo (Kongo), while Kimbundu (Mbundu) is the most important language spoken in the city of Luanda and the outskirts as far as Malanji province. The expanse of the north-west zone includes all of north-west Angola, the enclave of Cabinda and adjacent areas of south-west Democratic Republic of the Congo and southern Congo.
In Cabinda, the Bafioti are known for three-part singing in chord clusters within a heptatonic non-modal system and for the ‘sanza-type loango’ (Pechuël-Loesche, 1907; Söderberg, 1956; Laurenty, 1962). Traditions in Kikoongo-speaking communities of the north-west still echo some of those in the old Kingdom of Kongo, as suggested by Margot Dias’s 1960 location of a horn ensemble. The activities of a nganga (medical practitioner) often include musical performance, as do the rites in the dilongo boys’ circumcision school (Kubik, Extensionen, 1991, p.66).
A variety of drums is used by the Koongo, Holo (Holu), Imbundu and related peoples in religious and popular dances. In Malanji province, particularly in the area of the former Kingdom of Matamba, xylophone music is a prominent feature of music-dance activities. The marimba de arco (Portugese designation) is played as a solo instrument among the Jinga (Njinga), and also among the Cokwe (Chokwe) in the neighbouring east zone. Among the Mbondo the prominent type is madimba, a large, gourd-resonated xylophone with 20 keys tuned to a heptatonic scale. It is played by three musicians who sit next to each other, one striking bass notes, another playing a basic middle-pattern, while the lead player uses most of the upper range for variations. Each player uses two rubber-headed beaters to strike the keys in the centre.
Madimba xylophone playing was originally presentation music for powerful chiefs. At Kixingambambi village in the Kunda district, Chief Kalunga-Kandala supported one of the most famous madimba groups in Malanji province, that of Armando Balanga (fig.4). The name madimba in the Mbondo language is formed from the word-stem -rimba/-limba, formative in the designations of xylophones and lamellophones, primarily in south-east Africa. Since there are no documented connections between these gourd-resonated xylophones and those of the old Kingdom of Kongo, it could be that its inspiration came from contacts opened up by the pombeiros (African-Portuguese explorers) with the lower Zambezi valley in the 18th century (Rocha Matos, ‘(Ma)Dimba’, 1982).
Of similar historical significance is the presence of the hungu or ungu (gourd-resonated musical bows) in Luanda and surrounding areas. The stave is made from a plant called mutamba, the string of wire. It is divided into two sections near the lower end; the very short bottom section is not used for playing. The division on the long bow of Miguel Francisco dos Santo Kituxi (b 1941), which had a stave of 1·7 metres, was 8:1 (Kubik, 1987, pp.179–85). To obtain a second fundamental, the musician stops the longer part of the string just above the tuning noose with the thumb of the left hand wrapped around the neck of a glass bottle. The tuning noose dividing the string is connected to the gourd resonator. During performance the player holds the instrument vertically, creating tonal fluctuations by moving the gourd’s orifice slightly against the bare abdomen. The name hungu suggests historical connections with lukungu (musical bows) in south-west Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The kakoxa (two-string bowed lute) that can still be heard across the Kwanza-Sul and Malanji provinces (Rocha Matos, ‘Para um programa’, 1982; Redinha, 1984; Kubik, ‘Muxima Ngola’, 1991, p.263) sheds light on another aspect of Angola’s music history. Characteristically, the kakoxa has horizontal pegs and is normally a solo instrument played by elderly men, but it may be accompanied by a percussive pattern struck on a plastic plate or similar object by a second performer. The kakoxa was most likely developed by Kimbundu-speaking musicians in the 18th century based on Iberian models.
Iberian string instruments of the 17th–19th centuries were brought to Angolan coastal cities by Portuguese, Brazilian and other sailors. Among them was the cavaquinho, a four-string plucked chordophone (Dias, 1967) that spread worldwide, leading to the development of the Ramkie in south-west Africa. The violão (Port.: ‘guitar’) among the Mbondo and Holo is a four-string, homemade chordophone quite different from 20th-century factory-made guitars. It is characterized by the following traits: (1) vertical position of tuning pegs; (2) four strings (sometimes three); (3) rectangular soundboard made of raffia and fitted into the trough-like resonator (Kubik, ‘Muxima Ngola’, 1991, pp.265–8); (4) raised first fret on the fretboard; (5) monoxylous resonator and fretboard; (6) metal ring buzzers on some examples; and (7) decorative engravings on most instruments. Traits 4–7 are local developments, whereas traits 1–2 are held in common with the cavaquinho and trait 3 in common with the kakoxa.
North-west Angola is a site of rapid transculturation, in which local Kikoongo, Kimbundu and Portuguese concepts of music have interacted since the 16th century. An example is the development of small board-shaped lamellophones with calabash-resonators still popular among men in the Kunda and Kela districts. They are known as sartela, from the Portuguese psaltério. In this case the name was imported, not the instrument. Apparently, in the past when the psaltery was still used in European music, native speakers who had learnt some Portuguese explained lamellophones to their colonial masters by comparing, even equating, them with an instrument in the colonists’ culture.
Angola, §2: Main musical style areas
This zone covers all of east Angola and adjacent areas in north-west Zambia and southern Democratic Republic of the Congo. Ethnomusicologically it is one of the most studied areas of Central Africa (see Kubik, 1969; 1981; 1993; 1994; Gansemans and Schmidt-Wrenger, 1986; Bastin, 1992).
Owing to their ethnogenesis of only 400 years, the cultures of eastern Angola remain relatively homogeneous. Many musical activities are linked to secret societies, institutions for youth education and to installation ceremonies and other ritual contexts of chieftainships. Cokwe, Lwena and Lucazi (Luchazi) chiefs keep a mukupela (or mukupele) double-headed hourglass drum among their regalia. Its penetrating sound is due to an ingenious device: a small piece of calabash neck closed with a mirliton made from a spider’s nest is inserted into a hole on the side of the drum, resulting in strong sympathetic vibrations.
In south-east Angola, among the Vambwela and Vankhangala, dead chiefs are commemorated with secret instruments called vandumbu whose sound is said to represent the voices of the ancestral chiefs (Kubik, 1981). The sounds produced are the esoteric knowledge of the initiated. The large vandumbu, up to 4 metres in length, are megaphones, wooden tubes with a round embouchure, cut from tall trees and hollowed out. Their mouth is often shaped like that of a crocodile or other river animal. The body of each tube is completely wrapped with plant fibre. Throughout the year, these instruments are kept under water by the members of the secret society in a shallow place of the river marshlands. During the ceremony, members bring them up to the village in the darkness and produce fearful sounds. Three vandumbu usually form part of the procession. In front of them walk the players of three smaller aerophones, about 1·5 metres in length called nyavikali. Harmonics up to the 8th, even 10th partial are blown on some of them. They have a separate mouthpiece similar in size and bore to some 16th-century European trombones.
Among the Mbwela and Nkhangala of south-east Angola three secret associations by males and three by females were documented in 1965. Each has an individual song repertory, performance style and instrumentation. Membership is hierarchical and strictly segregated by gender. One has to pass earlier age-grades to become a member of later associations.
The eastern cultural area is also exemplary for the development of a system of harmonic part-singing used in ritual and other contexts. The Cokwe, Luvale, Lucazi and Mbwela-Nkhangala vocal style proceeds from a non-modal heptatonic scale in which intervals are adjusted at key points to satisfy both the principle of triadic euphony and equiheptatonic temperament. Songs follow either of the harmonic schemes shown in ex.1.
Much of Cokwe, Lwena and Ngangela music is structured along time-line patterns. One is a characteristic nine-stroke, 16-pulse pattern called kachacha in Lwena-Luvale, originating in the Lunda-Luba-Cokwe cluster of cultures, and spreading with the slave trade to Brazil, where it contributed to the development of samba (Kubik, 1979). Another is the ubiquitous seven-stroke, 12-pulse standard pattern, also prominent in West Africa. Any of these patterns can be struck either on the body of a drum or on the box-resonator of a likembe lamellophone by a second player holding a stick.
Percussion instrumental resources dominate eastern cultures. Membranophones include the long, goblet-shaped, single-headed drums, called vipwali in Mbwela-Nkhangala culture and jingoma among the Lwena-Luvale. The latter often group six of these drums together as a chime and play them together with a two-note, gourd-resonated jinjimba (xylophone) (fig.5). Another popular instrument throughout eastern Angola is the cinkuvu (slit-drum), used to accompany masked performance (fig.6).
Urban music in Angola was remarkably different from that of neighbouring African countries at the turn of the 20th century. To avert undesirable political influences, rural populations were deprived of basic educational facilities and made almost inaccessible to international media until the 1970s. As late as 1965 no transistor radios existed in rural areas, in stark contrast to neighbouring countries.
Likembe lamellophone music swept through north-east Angola from the Democratic Republic of the Congo as early as the 1920s. Hugh Tracey recorded Cokwe- and Luvale-speaking Angolan likembe musicians in the 1950s in the Copperbelt. It was the vast labour migrations to mining centres in central and southern Africa that first exposed young Angolan men to foreign experiences.
A particular phenomenon in Angola’s socio-cultural stratification was the rise of Luso-African or Portuguese-Kimbundu culture in Luanda, among the inhabitants of the so-called musekes, the townships in which most of the Kimbundu-speaking population lived. The rise of this early 20th-century culture created artistic expressions such as the dance forms of kaduka, semba and rebita. Kaduka in Kimbundu comes from ‘Duque de Bragança’, a historical Portuguese personality for whom a town north-west of Malanji was named by the colonial regime. In Luanda, the dance was referred to as Akwaduke (‘of the people of the Duque de Bragança’), and it became known in upper-class dancing salons during the mid-19th century. At the same time another dance became popular: semba, associated with a belly bounce, as in the umbigada of Brazil. Kaduka and semba are associated with the rebita dance clubs in Luanda, of which four remained in 1982. In colonial times kaduka and semba were referred to as danças recreativas assimiladas, entertainment for those with assimilados status, that is with the rights of Portuguese citizenship.
A new factor emerged in the 1950s with the increasing popularity of the group Ngola Ritmos led by Liceu Vieira Dias. Ngola Ritmos introduced rumba, Merengue and samba to Luanda’s urban musical culture, using guitar and local percussion instruments such as dikanza (scraper), rattles and drums. The music became popular in the bairros (townships) of Luanda since it was sung in Kimbundu and because it sympathized with liberation movements. In 1981 Dias was officially celebrated as o precursor da música moderna angolana.
Another early 20th-century development was the rise of military-style music after World War I called kalukuta in south-east Angola and performed with ndamba (scrapers) and hoe-blades. One song recorded in 1965 was O mbomba (‘The Bomb’), in which listeners are incited to throw imaginary bombs on almost any city in the country (Kubik, ‘Muxima Ngola’, 1991, pp.234–36).
By the mid-1960s song texts from rural areas contained political messages celebrating Patrice Lumumba of the former Belgian Congo and Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia as heroes. In north-east Angola, in the areas of Luau and Kazombo, guitar music from Katanga and Zambia had swept across the border, but those few who took to the guitar almost exclusively used homemade instruments.
Only after Angola achieved independence in 1975 did the public have opportunities, at least in larger cities, to actually see groups from neighbouring countries. Dance bands from the former Zaïre began to affect Luanda, particularly with the return of exiled guitarist and singer Massano. His ensemble’s instrumentation followed Zaïrean models, but his repertory was eclectic, including songs sung in Kimbundu. Other groups, playing in a Kimbundu-language popular style, have emigrated to neighbouring countries, particularly Namibia, to flee war and economic hardships.
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