Originally, a vocal piece designed to lull a child to sleep with repeated formulae; less commonly, it can be used to soothe a fractious or sick child. Like the lament, with which it has much in common, the lullaby is usually (though not exclusively) sung solo by women and displays musical characteristics that are often archaic, such as a descending melodic line, portamento effects, stylized representations of sighing or weeping, and non-stanzaic text lines. As with laments, the singer communicates in a direct, intimate manner that can be formalized and at the same time intense. Generically, lullabies have links not only with the lament but with vendors’ cries, dance-tunes, serenades, prayers, charms, songs about the other world, and narrative songs. The use of ballad fragments has been noted especially in European and North American traditions: the Irish night-visiting song The Mason’s Word, for instance, has been used as a lullaby.
Context and practice are not universally consistent: lullabies can be performed seated while cradling the infant in the lap, as in Samoa, or by the parents swinging the child slowly in an arc between them, as with the Ewe of West Africa. As regards the purpose of lullabies, those of the Hazara of Afghanistan, for example, are categorized as either ‘functional’ or ‘stylized’; the former are sung by women to put small children to sleep, the latter by men for entertainment, often accompanied by a dambura (two-string fretless lute). They may also have more than one function: for the Hazara, lullabies not only send the child to sleep but can also act as a signal to the singer’s lover. In the sub-Arctic Algonkian area, the bebe ataushu repertory is predominantly private, women’s music. For the Navajo, lullabies are one of a number of non-ceremonial types of traditional song. In Italy, lullabies have been classified as magical (directly involving sleep), erotic (explicit love songs) or di sfogo (‘outlet’, ‘venting’), in which the female singer laments her own or the human condition. Textual analysis of Japanese lullabies suggests a close connection between the manner of performance of lullabies and magic.
Textual formulae and refrains can be used, like ‘fatta la ninna’ (‘rock-a-bye’) in Italian lullabies, to ward off evil and invoke divine help, and can vary, in the vowel set of the refrain, within regions of a country such as Spain. They can cross cultural boundaries, as in ‘ninna-nanna’ (Italy), ‘nani, nani’ (Albania), and ‘ljulja nina’ (Bosnia-Hercegovina). Formulae appear again in the imagery and repeated diminutives of a Zuñi lullaby (‘little boy, little cotton-tail, little jack-rabbit, little rat’), and melodically, in the same lullaby, with a range of just two notes. The Hazara texts contain the sounds ‘lalai’ or ‘lalu’ along with the interjection of terms of endearment such as ‘my sweet’ or ‘my eyes’. The sound effects of the lullaby sometimes take precedence over meaning, with words being deliberately altered to produce assonant, mellifluous sounds. Lullabies among the Tuareg differ from other women's songs in their more supple style, the use of semitones and a dissymmetric structure subordinate to the demands of improvised texts. The melody invariably moves within a fairly narrow range of a 4th or 5th, but can have, as in Norway, great melodic and rhythmic flexibility within a few common formulae.
The words of the lullaby can instil cultural values or incorporate the fears of the parent. Imagery involving the wolf in southern Italian lullabies suggests the need to cope with life's harsh realities; it may also represent violence and dominance. The ‘lullaby’ can, indeed, convey a plurality of messages in its text and style: one Gaelic-text lullaby ostensibly contains information, sung to another woman washing clothes, about the singer's abduction by fairies and the breaking of the spell (to be accomplished by her husband). The abducted woman lulls a fairy child to sleep by means of repetitive musical phrases, suggesting to the fairies that all is well. The ‘narrative’ message is to the other woman. In reality, however, the song itself tells listeners of the woman's plight. The lullaby text, therefore, can be creatively complex; matched to formulaic snatches of melody it can result in a rich and eloquent musical genre.
The lullaby as a vocal (with or without accompaniment) or instrumental piece appears in art music of all periods; examples are found in medieval carols with ‘lullay’ burdens, in 18th-century choral music, 19th-century lieder, and 19th- and early 20th-century piano pieces. See Berceuse and Wiegenlied.
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P. Augier: ‘Ethnomusicologie saharienne: les documents sonores recueillis récemment en Ahaggar et au Gourard’, Libyca 20, xx (1972), 291–311
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L.H. Sakata: ‘Hazara Women in Afghanistan: Innovators and Preservers of a Musical Tradition’, Women and Music in Cross-Cultural Perspective, ed. E. Koskoff (New York, 1987), 85–95
L. Del Giudice: ‘Ninna-nanna Nonsense? Fears, Dreams, and Falling in the Italian Lullaby’, Oral Tradition, iii (1988), 270–93
B.D. Cavanagh: ‘Music and Gender in the Sub-Arctic Algonkian Area’, Women in North American Indian Music, ed. R. Keeling (Bloomington, IN, 1989), 55–66
C. Frisbie: ‘Gender and Navajo Music: Unanswered Questions’, ibid., 22–38
B. O Madagáin: ‘Gaelic Lullaby: a Charm to Protect the Baby’, Scottish Studies, xxix (1989), 29–38
E.E. Masuyama: ‘Desire and Discontent in Japanese Lullabies’, Western Folklore, xlviii (1989), 169–77
JAMES PORTER